Thursday, February 26, 2009

Greece before the Greeks - Louis Benloew 1877

Greece before the Greeks - Louis Benloew 1877
by Louis Benloew
Paris 1877

[Translated from French by "bablefish". English copies do not exist (?)]


Since long years I had believed to recognize in a certain number of names geographical and historical, or prehistoric, old Greece of the indices of a primitive population former to Hellènes. As I traversed one day the vocabulary, very-incomplete besides, that Xylander added to its Albanian grammar, my presumptions acquired, in my eyes, a certain degree of probability, not to say more. Albanian seemed to give an account of some proper names, otherwise unexplainable, such as Malée, Pylos, Andanie, Olympe. Unfortunately to light me more, I had apart from Xylander only the treaty on Albanian of Bopp, my famous Master, of which it had made me present in 1859 when I had gone voira it Berlin for the last time. This treaty could be to me of no immediate utility, but it ap-

FEB 24 “8 223639


my attention peeled on the work conscientious, masterly, of Hahn, where one finds joined together all that one knows of passed and of the present of the Albanians, plus complete a enough grammar for certain parts, and a lexicon made with good more care than that of Xylander. I live the work of Hahn for the first time in 1873 with the library of Cassel (Hesse Electorale). I made it come since, as well as the beautiful work of Mr. Miklosich on Albanian, which all the spirit of sagacious criticism chaired which honours our century.

I realized soon that the track that I believed to have discovered, had been already followed by others that me. Fortunately it had not been followed well far. One had left me seek and find. I be in a hurry to make known with the Masters of science some of the results obtained. Mr. Egger, that I maintained the first it, was of the opinion that it could be useful to subject them to the judgement of the Academy. He did not refuse me his councils, at the same time as he opened to me the treasures of his rich person library. Invaluable indications were provided to me, moreover, by Misters de Longpérier, Derembourg and Ernest Desjardins.

The two readings which I was authorized to make with the Academy, drew the attention of the albano- philes of Italy. A great lady whose name is known honourably in our literary records, and whose Albanian origin estdes more famous, denies made the honor enter in correspondence with to lend me, me the lights of its scholarship, and to announce me work of its compatriots domiciled in Italy on the matters which interested me. - The Councils, information, publications philological and historical, booklets of any kind, Dora of Istria me forwarded them with a rare kindness and the most delicate satisfying. I pus to take note thus grammatologia alba- nese of Demetrio Camarda, grammar of Split, the writings of Vincenzo Dorsa. I test the need to publicly thank here gracious Principessa and his collaborator scientists for their so pleasant contest and if hastened. By traversing the following pages, they will realize, I hope, that I read their works and that I knew your to make profitable.

By beginning my work, I believed to simply treat a question of linguistics and ethnography; I am to have touched with one


alive question, palpitating even, with a question of nationality. And what a nationality! Oldest of our continent with that of the Basques. Europe by its large diplomatic bases seems to want to constitute today like a permanent court of international justice. It is the moment for disinherited history, for forgotten of the European big family, to make known their objections, to put forward their titles with the interest, the gratitude even of the civilized people. In spite of the heroic resistance of Skanderbeg, the crescent made a deep breach in the Albanian clans. A great number of them are Musulmans today. However admire the force of the blood which triumphs even over religious hatreds and sign the tolerance with all the members of the same race:

You link Chrétiens and Mahométans, claim freedom

Then, when the Othoman is outside, made your Easter or celebrate it

|baïram (1).

These Albanian poor which spread purest of their blood for the stamping from Greece and which would have agreed of large heart to

(1) Has Dora gli Albanesi, last song p. 121-124, Livorno 1870.

to be Greek, if it had been allowed to them! That them at least the hope is left! All that in their country has heart and intelligence pushes back the Turkish conqueror.

Dijon, on March 19, 1877.



N is proven today that at one unmemorable time, Greece was not inhabited by the Greeks: when the latter penetrated in the country which they were to illustrate of their name, this country was not any more one desert. With which race thus did belong its first inhabitants? Customs did not found what we would call a state, they did not even form a nation, they did not have literature and they did not know to establish durable traditions; finally, no document, no inscription returns testimony of their last existence. There are however many traces, on the ground of Greece, of a civilization former to that of the Greeks. Flints, tools and axes of a very primitive form that one finds there in great number, prove that Greece, like all the countries of Europe, apassépar the age of the stone and bronze. It is necessary to add the walls, cyclopean constructions which meet everywhere, from Epire in theMinor one.

Account should be held finally place names, mountains, rivers, legendary characters who are not explained by Greek etymologies, and which seem to belong to the vocabulary of a foreign idiom. Does this idiom exist still today? Was it preserved rather intact, to be able to be useful to us in our research? It is there a question which we will have to elucidate.

Mr. Guillaume de Humboldt after having studied the Basque language on which he wrote, in the fourth volume of Mithridate, of the remarkable pages, had started to examine the proper names that the old geography of Spain presents. The majority of these names had Latin or Latinized forms; the Roman conquest had put its print on the whole country. There was undoubtedly in midday of the colonies phenicians, Carthaginians, which had preserved their Semitic denominations. Rather many cities, whose names finish in briga, showed the invasion of the Celts. N remained however a considerable group of cities, whose names were not Latin, and who however resisted the analysis of the Arabists and the celtisles. They was apparently names of places having belonged to Ibères, inhabitants primitive of Spain. The Basque returned account without effort of their significance first. Humboldt believed capacity to conclude from it that the Basques were precisely the descendants of old Ibères; that, withdrawn in about inaccessible mountains,



they had known to preserve their independence and the language of their ancestors.

The attentive study of the high Greek antiquity, of the names of its older cities, mountains and populations, of some of its divinities, seems to lead to a similar result. Phéniciens established many stations on the Aegean Islands, and they tried to colonize some points of the dry land. By deducting the few Semitic proper names that the geography of the Hellade antique presents to us, we remain opposite a greater number whose origin is undoubtedly not Greek, and must go back to a few centuries higher than the Hellenic traditions most remote. Several of these cities, one says to us expressly that they belonged to Pélasges, Lélcges, in Caucones, in Dardaniens. Only one language until now appeared able to give an account of the names of these places: it is Albanian. Thus the author of the work which one will read was brought to support the thesis which the Albanians nowadays are the descendants of the populations which covered, before the arrival of the Greeks, the ground of the countries which extend since the Adriatic Sea until Halys.

H had to start by subjecting to an attentive examination the opinions of the Greek writers, who for the majority were not unaware of that their compatriots had not always occupied the country to which they gave them name; that the latter had not always formed like a vast national federation, and that they bore the names of Greeks successively, Pélasges, Achaens, before adopting that of Hellènes. Before entering the content of the question which worries us, we will have to fix the respective value of these different names. The direction of that which passes for oldest from all, Pélasges, is particularly litigious, and he admits several explanations. Are Pélasges Greeks thoroughbred? Not, Hérodote answers. Yes, Auguste Bœckh answers. One will find in the following pages the opinion in which we believed to have to stop us ourself.




§ 1. - Greeks, V

The memories of the history go up higher at the nations of Western Europe, than one is usually not been willing to believe it. The name of the Greeks seems to us to provide an obvious proof of it. This name was transmitted to us by the Romans, who made it adopt by all the people, except by that they indicated thus, and which itself is called Hellènes. This name, however, the Romans did not invent it. It was carried by the inhabitants of the town of Dodone and the close cantons in Epire, at one time undoubtedly extremely old and which it is necessary to place beyond the invasion of Doriens and perhaps,


Trojan War. Italiotes of these moved back times especially had relationship with the part of Greece from which they were brought closer, and from which the strait of Otranto alone separated them.

On another side, the inhabitants of Dodone did not cease remaining in relation to their compatriots of Pélopo- nèse and Hellade itself. If the Romans had known the Greeks only after the foundation of large Amphictyonies and the regular establishment of the Olympic Games, they would undoubtedly have applied the name to them, by which consequently the Greeks indicated themselves; they would have called them Hellènes. One can push this reasoning; one can say that before with the anlOOO, there existed in Greece already famous and rather powerful dynasties, like those of the EP lopides, of Eacides, and that, placed at the head of a great confederation, they had reigned in the Aegean Sea, makes the war on the coasts of Anatolia and conquered Troy. These important facts were sung by the aèdes in all the cities of the motherland; they were not to be been unaware of in Epire. The men who had achieved them were called neither Greek, nor Hellènes either. Homère knows them only under the name of, Ax “io< Danaens, Achaens. Cannot about it one conclude that the name of Greeks was fixed in the memory of Italiotes - one should speak about the Romans, who still did not exist in a time, when no news of the great changes which have occurred in the East of Greece had not reached them yet, and where they were unaware of until the name of the Homeric songs?

At all events, the name of the Greeks is very old;

it is Aristote (L) which ensures us that it had been carried formerly by the population of Dodone and the residents of the Aitch loos. Before him Hésiode (2) in worms well-known had sung that Pandore, girl of Deucalion ancestor of the Greek nation, had given birth to intrepid Grœcus with the combat, Hftex&ç/juiit. The direction of this proper name appears to us clearer. Though one lately brought it closer to IWi (And. Magn.) and translated: the savage ones, the independent ones, we think that it is necessary to understand by ffa/xo/the old ones. T^cùnes were called also the wind inhabitants of Parion according to Stephan de Byzance; it is the name which Sophocle and Alcrnan had given to the mothers of Hellènes: Yçttïa. finally (old city) was the name of a place located in laBéotie on the coast between Oropos and TANAGRA. The tradition of the Genesis and that of the Greeks are of agreement to make of Dodone (in hébr. Dodanim) the oldest center of Hellenic civilization. It is curious, that one meets in the area where this city was located, all the names by which the Greeks indicated themselves since their arrival in the country where they were to remain fixed. We have just spoken about that from Tpctinoi. Homère names (Iliade XVI, 234) venerated Jupiter with Dodone Jupiter peeled gic - and we will see presently that Pélasges were often regarded as the ancestors of the Greeks. As for the name of the Achaens, if widespread later, we still find it in Ithaque (Odyss. I, 394), but not in Epire. On the other hand, this country is crossed by

(1) Météorol. I, 14.

(2) Fragm, 29, Gcettlinfç edict.

Heuves of Achelous and Achéron; and the first syllable of these names, is the same one as that which the name of the Achaens contains. The direction of this last it bordering of a root “t^i Latin aq-ua? It is true that X “icfdans the dialect of Lacédémone meant creditable, and that the linguists attach this word as well as the name of the Achaens to the kha root, (share. was. not. khjèya or khjàya}, to praise and does not separate 'aya^ôs from it (1). The question would be to decide if Lacédémoniens of the lower classes would not have allotted lesensde good Cx, cu°n with the word “Axa. - bone, precisely because this name pointed out the good old day to them, last for them for a long time; factitious etymology, which would point out for example that Ajax provides of its own name in Sophocle, and so much of others.

Finally the name of Hellade and Hellènes meets in the kids trimmings with those of the Greeks, of Pélas- ges and perhaps Achaens. It is this que.nous will prove in the following chapter.

§ 2. - Of Hellènes.

As soon as the Greeks had the feeling of their nationality, they were called Hellènes. This name appears inseparable from great solemnities of Olympie and about ascending exerted on the spirits, college speaks about the priests of Delphes; but he becomes general only at the beginning and east adopts universally only at the end of VIIe century. For
, 1) Benfey. Wurzellexicon. II. p. 64.

Homère, Hellènes form yet only one canton of Thessalie placed under the sceptre of Achilles. When the poet speaks about the Greeks brought together under the walls of Troy, it names them Achaens, Danaens. Strabon notices already according to Thucydide, that Homère does not know barbarians themselves, precisely because for him the Greeks are not yet of Hellènes. It mentions admittedly Cariens getf j8 “there 4o
Let us examine the way followed by the names of 'em< “and 'emw before they were essential on whole Greece. Let us start with the observation that the passage of Iliade where it is question of \ \ m “(all brought together Greeks) was regarded as apocryphal book déjàdansl' antiquity (d). In the Odyssey we meet the expression **} 'F, hhâ. S'& r.xl fj.i<; W “Af^of. Hellade indicates here obviously a territory of a certain extent (2). It is in Hésiode that it is necessary to seek the oldest mention of Helene and her sons:

Re x.eû AioÂos (

This Helene passed for the son of Deucalion which according to an antique tradition had founded the Jupiter sanctuary with Dodone, served by priests who bore the key name cF>Aeî or “Zewoi (3). Dodone itself was located in a region called Hellopia or Alas. When Thessaliens left Epire to invade Hémonie, on which they imposed their name, they transplanted in their new fatherland the names of Deuca- lion and Alas. The last of both will be attached from now on to the septentrional part of Phthiotide occupied by Thessaliens.

11) Hiade, II. v. 530.

(2) Odyss., 1, v. 344: IV. v 726. ;

fty Cpr. words \ a.t, “XW”, 'LAWB.

It is-there, said one, which Deucalion had reigned; later, one made the king of Thessalie of it whole. The legendary account of the flood of Dodone, was applied in the same way to the boxed small valleys of this lately occupied country. One supported that Deucalion had approached on the heights of Othrys; later, it was not any more Othrys, it was the crowned top of the Parnassus where it was claimed that its boat had stopped. It occurred about it that, non-seulement Locriens d' Oponte claimed to go down from the hero who only had escaped with the large flood, but still the noble families from Delphes, guardians of the new oracle which started to make forget that of Dodone. It is from this time that Deucalion was regarded as the grandfather of the very whole Greek race; that one sought to attach to this name the origin of all the tribes, and already towards 800, the priests of Delphes could order in Lycurgue come to consult them on the means of consolidating the new constitution of Sparte, to set up a temple with Zeus Hellanios and Athéné Hellania (1).

(1) Duncker, Geschichte of Alterthums, T. III, p. 380,556.

§ 3. - Achaens, Ax
For the Greeks of historical times, the name of these Achaens who had guerroyé in theMinor one, and who had made the head office of Troy answered only one rather short time, that apparently of the power and the size of the house of Pélopides. It designated the Greeks of the Peloponnese, alive under the sceptre of this dynasty, as well as the inhabitants of Argos pelasgic in Thessalie, called by Homère also Myrmidons and Hellènes, and whose Achille was the famous chief (1). The inhabitants del' Argolide bore also the name of Aac&o/, of Danaos wire of Bélus and founder of Argos (2). But this name, as that of the Achaens is applied by Homère indifferently to all the confederated Greeks, because it stuck to the populations then dominating of Argos and Phthia, and to Agamemnon which ordered them. The Achaen name however appears to be more generally adopted. Homère names some in Ithaque (see higher), and in Crete (3); we suspected the existence in Epire of it; and the circumstance which they are quoted beside Hellènes, on which Achille reign according to the famous passage of Iliade, still confirms our sup-

(1) Iliade, II, v. 684.

(2) Sometimes Danaos is translated the old one, as if the word were identical to £~nvciios. Now one prefers the translation desiccated because of the arid ground of Argolide. In Albanian Danatsi wants to say Men-liked. According to Etymologicon Magnum deaths also have name Acivctoi.

(3) Odyss. XIX, v. 175.

position. Later, the name of Achaïe and the Achaens remained with the not very fertile canton which extends, in the north of the Peloponnese since Sicyon, along the gulf of Corinth; it is there that had taken refuge the part of the former Achaean population which had wanted neither to submit itself to Doriens, nor to leave the ground of the fatherland. But this name was also preserved by the old tribes of Thessalie confined in Phthiotide, established in Jolcos, Phéré, Ptéléon and Halos, which in IIIe century still had remained faithful to their primitive worships, the life and the simple armour of Homeric times (1). The name of the EP lasges only exceeded by its seniority that of the Achaens; Pélasgos, said one, had formerly reigned in Thessalie; his/her Hémon son, had given to the country his old name, Hémonie; beside Hémon, one names two others wire of Pélasgos: Acheeos and Phthios and a Larissa girl. It is seen clearly that the proper names of these people are only the symbols of the countries and the people which they indicate. The name of Pélasgiotide is also affected with the canton of Thessalie which borders the lake Bœ- béen (2). Indeed, according to an very-old tradition, before Trojan times, the inhabitants of Greece would have been called Pélasges. Euripide itself quoted by good Stra-, affirms that leaving the name of Pélasges they would have taken that of Aai' aoï. Pélasges would not have been other than Greeks only designated by one older name.

(1) Xenoph. Hellen., VI. 1. 9.

(2) Duncker, III. p. 19.

$ 4. - Is it Necessary to understand by the name of Pélasges that of the oldest Greeks?

Let us say first of all that it is the supported opinion there, since Bœckh, by the majority of the philologists of Beyond the rhine. Dupuy, a French scientist, had imagined to make come Pélasgesde the Indian Ocean; certain Herbert Marsh in his Horœ pélasgicœ, had made some simply of Thraces. If they were really Greeks, it would be necessary to assign to them like primitive fatherland Uttara- kuru of Aryàs, as with the other populations indoeuropéennes.

It is certain that the Greeks attach in the name of Pélasges the oldest memories of their history. For Homère, as we have just seen it, the principal god of Dodone is Jupiter pelasgic. Asios of Sam bone, quoted by Pausanias, said that the black cotton soil gave birth to, on the top of the mounts, Pélasgos similar to the gods, in order to give rise to the race of the human ones. In a fragment of Hésiode (1), Pélasgos is named wire of the ground and grandfather of Pélasges. Since to the eyes of the Greeks the men left the centre the ground, their mother, it should not be astonished that Pélasges are for them has \ itochih.onesynyevsrs. Eschyle in its Begging traces us the chart of a great empire pelasgic: Argosenest the center; to north it extends until Dodone, until Strymon; it is limited there by

it) Hesiod., fragm. 135. édid. (îœttling.
populate of Perrhèbes. It is that there was really of Pélasges in Macedonia and Thrace (1). The king of this empire is Pélasgos, wire of Palaechthon (old woman ground) and descendant of Pélasgos, autochthone. Hérodote acknowledges that all the country called of its Hellas time, had borne formerly the name of Pélasgie (~le \ u.vyia.}. Thesprotes of Epire with their Dodone capital would have been of Pélasges as well as the inhabitants of the Attic and the country of Argos. Callimaque (in its Bath of Pallas) still remembers it, since he designates there the women of Ar giens by the name of Pélasgiennes (neya.jyiS' sf). For stronger reason is necessary it to see of Pélasges in lesEoliensetles Ar cadiens. The Ionian benches along the septentrional coast of the Peloponnese, would have been Pélasges themselves (2). According to Ephore, lenom of Pélasgia would have been affected formerly in the whole Peloponnese, and Strabon (3 especially sees in Pélasges a nation spread formerly in all Greece, but dominating in Thessalie etl' Arcadie. We saw indeed that in the first of these Homère countries a city called “Apy” S UeKa.fytx.av knew, and that even in relatively recent times one knew there a canton of the name of Pélasgiotide.

According to that, Pélasges would have been the Greeks themselves in one of the first phases of their civilization. One finds their name where the worships of oldest (4) were preserved, where they were maintained

(1) Bœckh, Course of Greek Antiquities, 1836.

(2) Hérodote, I, 56; VIII, 44.

(3) Strabon, p. 221.

(4) Let us quote only that of Jupiter pelasgic. who makes fall the rain, and of Déméter* which sleeps with ground” with Dodone. Let us note it

the oldest traditions, where agriculture made its first appearance, or there, where the pastoral life forever ceased reigning, as in Etolie, Acarna- denies and in particular in Arcadie. The Greeks went a long time behind their herds, following the example Aryâs of Pendshab; and of the cantons which later were famous for the fertility of their ground, such as Béotie and Eubée, show by the origin of their name, which in primitive times one had especially delivered there to the pupil of the cattle.

Also bienque quelquesphilologists have prétendufaire to come the name from Pélasges de TêA “.! > to approach, arrive (i.e. advence), or Ta^m to wander (i.e. vagrants), one agreed nowadays to see a word meaning there the old ones. There one believed to find the Greek T “has \ “, TêMos livid; Gray Toa/m, - Tta-Ka-i formerly, or Albanian T*jâ.K-ov, the old one, i.e. a member of the council of the commune. Hésychius translates the name of part of the people Macedonian N” I, a.y' wes by yéçovTSf, I, ynyeveïs. He adds Ylehtyà.ves have wS' ofyi, vaçâ. T 2, vpon oi X, ciï have 'Hveiârcti All éçovTcts x.
§ 5. - Don't Pélasges rather constitute a race distinct from that of the Greeks?

Up to now all is well; unfortunately a fact of an undeniable authenticity reported by Hérodote, will compromise the results obtained. Driven out by Thessaliens, Pélasges of Pélasgiotide mingled with a troop with Minjens and Cadméens, had come to take refuge in the Attic. They was skilful diggers and manufacturers; famous for many strong castles built by them (Larisses], they strengthened the Western side, the weakest side of Cécropie and they closed by the nine doors, the road which went up there. This bastion always carried because of its origin, the name of Peeled gikon. One had yielded at the same time to the emigrants a stony field located at the foot of Hymette; they could transform it into arable land and fertile. But the Attic could not nourish a long time all those to which it had offered an asylum, without counting that the harmony ceased reigning between the Athenians and Pélasges. The latter having exerted violences on the young girls and the young boys of their hosts going to draw water “with the nine sources (1)” were expelled; they embarked, were established on the Chalcidique peninsula, and founded a series of not very considerable cities there. It is there that Hérodote knew them, in Creston or close to this city (2). It points out, that they spoke the same language as Pélasges living Plakia and Skylake on Hellespont, but which they were not understood by the other Greeks. Hérodote concludes from there that Greece having been inhabited formerly very whole by of Pélasges, had been a barbarian ground; it only later, after the invasion of Doriens, that, is civilized by Hel-

sanctuary of Uéméter pelasgic with Argos and that of Junon EP lasgiqueà Jolcos (Apollo. Rhod., I, 14; III, 66). Moreover, Hérodote reports (II, v. 171) that the women of Pélasges were the pre mières^à to celebrate the thesmophories in the honor of Déméter.

(1) Hérod. VI, 137-140.

(2) The thing is not very-clear because of a passage of Thucydide (IV, 109 which seems to put Crestoniens exactly on the same line as Edones and Bisaltes. two cruel people.

lenes, they would have adopted the language of their winners. - The things obviously did not occur as Hérodote thinks it: a long time before Hellènes did not make figure in the history, it flowered in the Peloponnese, Béotie, Thessalie a poetry and even a certain Greek civilization. Then, most powerful C the riens, and most valorous of Hellènes, were too very few to be able to so quickly impose their language on the populations which they had just subjected

On another side, we cannot be done with the opinion which prevails still today on other side of the Rhine, daprès which all Pélasges whatever they were and °ù that they had lived, would have been of Greek race and origin. Bœckh granted at least, that those which built the Pélasgique bastion, were not Pélasges as well as the other inhabitants of the Attic. If the descendants of these Pélasges had spoken a Greek dialect, how to suppose that Hérodote had not included/understood them? Admittedly, a rather great difference separated the attic from the lacédémonien, and the crétoisde the Ionian one of theMinor one. However Hérodote knew all the dialects of the motherland and with the need the speech knew, with proof that, living dorienne city to him of Balicarnasse, its famous work in the néo-Ionian dialect composed. On another side, the Greek language was fixed in all its essential parts at the time of the Trojan War, as the poems of Homère prove it. Therefore, if Pélasgiotes had spoken Greek, when the invasion of Thessaliens had driven out them of their pavs, one does not see too much why they would have désappris the Greek to exchange it against a barbarian idiom.

§ 6. - Continuation of the same subject.
The Tyrrhenian ones.

Another fact reported by Hérodote comes to corroborate the doubts that we maintain about the identity of the races Greek and pelagic. LesMinyens d' Iolcos etd' Gold chomenos, as well as Cadméens, after having left the Attic which had been used to them as asylum, and having occupied the islands of Imbros, deLemnos and of Samothrace, where they found establishments and worships phenicians, were called them also, Pélasges, by the other Greeks. However, those which lived Lemnos, to draw revenge on the Athenians which had expelled them, charmed one day the women and the girls of the latter, while they in Brauron the festival of Artémis, and they celebrated made their concubines of them. The children that they had some did not condescend to interfere themselves with the legitimate children pelasgic origin; they forced those to yield the step everywhere to them, and they ended up causing a deaf hostility of abor.d, which leads to long to the massacre of the women and the children attics (hû [jLvia. êçya.}. As Hérodote tells, that these children had learned from their mothers the language attic (1), one can suppose that this language differed deeply from that of Pélasges. Also Mr. Hahn that thinks the EP

(1) Tkwaf&v Ts Tmc “PiTrmw x.tù Tpâvovs Tw”
lasges by fleeing chey. Sintiens, apparently first inhabitants of Lemnos, wanted to go near a congeneric population of race. However, cesPélasges of Lemnos is also called Tyrrhéniens and in And 1/5 mologicon magnum one reads sub voce 2icT” ï T “V '“xj>oTÔM=a>f ^eïyJ><. According to others, this name itself would come from scraped turn, strengthened dwelling as these people affectionnait some, and it would have given origin to the word rifont whose first direction would have been commander of turn (l>. Indeed, these Pélasgestyrrhéniens were dreaded a long time as cruel pirates who sold their prisoners like slaves. Names rippu, rvçaif, tvf' fmti one brought closer for the direction the Etruscan: Lar the Master, then the old proper name Larissa. It is the name which at least nine cities inhabited by the EP lasges carried oldest, and which one with the practice to explain using the substantive ms, tâp stone. Larissa would be consequently: cutting off, wall of stone.

One could not deny that with the eyes of the Greeks of the close connections did not link the Tyrrhenian ones and Pélasges Itaho- your. They went until calling Tyrrhéniens all the nation of the Etruscans. Ottfried Muller thought that the latter were originating in Tyrrha, city of the Lydie, because Hérodote had made emigrate in Etrurie one

Tvfiewef êi' fHT*/Wto rav Jvppnvav Twc $mita/neù Â

part of the Lydians under the control of their king Tyrrhénos. But, unfortunately, the town of Tyrrha was not located on the sea, and however the Tyrrhenian ones were. .marins and pirates. One also spoke in the Lydie about Torrhebos, wire of Attys. But Xanthos which wrote with such an amount of authority on the Lydians, its compatriots, does not admit these adventurous assertions. Two things however appear undeniable: the names of a great number of cities of Large Greece and Sicily on a side and Albania of the other are about identical (1); then the words Tyrrhenian, Tyrant, are very-known, very-widespread in Albania. Alexandre of Floret regarded as Tyrrhéniens Pélasges de Fleuron (2), and still today it exists in the Albania two cities, called Tyrannia or Tyranna, largest located between Duraxzo and Alessio, the other in the vicinity of Kroja (3). Finally to finish some with this particularly obscure part of our research, let us recall that southernmost Albania is called still today ~Tos-x.epice., in dialect guégeois losnena. The relationship of this word with the Latin words, fuscws, tuscia and modern Toscana appears manifest.

(1) Hahn. Albanische Studien, p. 33l).
i2) Schol. in Iliad. II, v. 233.
/3i Hahn. ibid. 233.

§ 7. - Continuation: Pélasges, Tyrrhenian, Lyciens, Sicilians. Lélèges, Tuscan, Darted


Tyrrhenian and Pélasges are recognized with the turns and the citadels that they built. Let us not separate from them these bands from Lyciens which rented their arms to surround the towns of strong walls; they were called '.vn^a-ref. X “p “> “wTep “. Last nines of these Lyciens passed to have built the cyclopean walls of Tirynthe. 11 is to be noticed that until our days the Albanians provide to whole Greece wandering masons, who preserved appear-it, the primitive method of construction cyclo péenne (1). It is here that the great question arises for the first time. These Albanians be-they not descendants of the old Tyrrhenian and pelagic populations which covered old Greece of the their rissesetde their turns (rîifureif), which appear initially in Acarnanie and which are called Sicules by Pau sanias (2)? According to Pline and Ptolémée, there was of Siciliotes (I “wm “T “H) as well in Illyrie as in Italy (3).

Let us acknowledge that Pélasges from which we come to speak lastly and of which Tyrrhéniens, Lyciens and Sicules

(1) This method consists in establishing two series of flagstones, between which one poses to éjUT^exToir it. V. Hahn, p. 234.

(2) Pausanias, I, 2, § 28.

(3) Dieffenbach, Europœœ Origins, p. 94-95, then 118-120. The name of Sicani, Siculi points out the Albanian verb: ffintiy, I watch for, I explore.

perhaps did not form that particular tribes do not present the same character as the Greeks of the motherland, though the latter were affublés sometimes, them also, of the name of Pélasges. Besides one announces of them on Ionian islands, such as Lesbos, Chios, Samos, in Eubée, Crete. It is there that the place the Odyssey '!). 11 has there better. Since the edges of Kaïkos to the mouth of Kaystre, there was a series of establishments pélasgiq " ues; there was a Larissa very close to Ilion, and nque Homère m step to arrange these Pélasges among the enemies of the Greeks and the allies of Troïens (2). It would be possible that the worms which milked in these Pélasges and which belong to the catalogue, as well as the worms of the Odyssey referred to above, had been later inserted in the text. It is not a reason to support, as one did, than Pélasges of Asia-Minor are the descendants of those which one day had taken refuge in the Attic. Why Pélasges have-they which not been able to be established on the Aegean Islands and in Anatolia before the invasion of Thessaliens and Doriens? Weren't there also along the same coast the small towns of Lélèges, which one saw the tombs still later and the turrets in ruins (M*.ejsïa) I And nothing however prove, that these Lélèges that one sees thus that Pélasges, widespread in whole Greece, emigrated of the continent of Europe to fix itself in Asia Mineure. Let us add that we find another little

(1) Odyssey, I, v. 177.

(2) Iliade, II. v. iO.

plade ancient, which disappears early: Caucons established at the same time in Bitthynie, on the border of Paphlagonie, and in Elides along an affluent of Teuthéas, and which carried, him also, the name of Caucon (I). Thus we meet the name of famous Dardaniens of Troade, with one will très-gra ide distance from Asia-Minor, in a tribe of Illyrie. Dardanus, according to the legend, wire of Jupiter and Elec- will tra, would have left Arcadie, according to the ones, Crete according to the others, would have been fixed initially in the island of Its mothrace, and later in Mysie, where it would have founded Dardania (2).

§ 8. - The solution of the problem.

It has resulted from all that precedes, that there was for one unmemorable time a population calls Pélas- ges by the Greeks, established with them on the same ground, and which was more or less foreign for them. Pélasges whose existence goes back to the die of Troiens times, are not less in one good number of passages of the authors old, identified, or about, with the Greeks them

(1) The name of Caucons can be close to the Albanian words Ki
(2) Hahn makes derive Dardaniens from fcitâg. pear, and it quotes the names of other people, drawing their origin from the name of a tree; witnesses Mysiens of - toffô*- '£ '' “. the hornbeam, etc We will add Dryopes and Asci-burg, Asc-anius, of the anc. garlic. askr ash. 11 has there still today dins Albania a village of the name of F) arde, the pear.
same. How to explain this apparent contradiction? We will propose a solution, who, if we are not mistaken, will not have only the very natural one:

The great migration of the Greeks towards the Occident, was done neither in only one day, nor, so to speak, of only one thorough. It was prolonged undoubtedly, through a series of generations; it could take place sometimes by the invasion of whole hordes, sometimes by a slow infiltration in countries occupied already by other tribes. It is known that the Greeks of Dodone were surrounded from time immemorial of cruel tribes; such were Chaones, Athamanes, Sylliones, Cassiopiens and others. As for Acarnaneset in Etoliens, they appear, of the consent of the Greeks themselves, a blood extremely mixed (1). No doubt indeed that the newcomers are not often in many comparable place the antique population of the country. Probably this one hardly resisted to them, as later we see Sicules, Italiotes, Africans to move back in front of the Hellenic colonists and to merge partly with them. The assimilation appears to have been supplements especially in the Peloponnese. In Hellade itself and Thessalie, the old population must have formed some independent groups for a long time. As for montueuse Epire, one knows that the Greeks never succeeded with the dénationaliser. One can also suppose that the first immigrants melted themselves rather quickly with the aboriginals of Thessalie and that plain with them they constituted what one could call the EP

(1) Polybe XVH. 5: a.vTKt>ykf AiT<0M>y ovx. eisiv " EM.wes have

lasges of Larisses (there was of it a dozen in all, including three in only Thessalie). It is proven today that these aboriginals had arrived in a state of relative civilization. They could clear the grounds and make them fertile, and the oldest agrarian worships are allotted to them. The phallic processions, that Hérodote makes come from Pélasges, do not have anything Greek good, this seems to us. Latone, Apollo, Artémis are .des divinities which Aryâs of India did not maintain us, and which the Greeks had to meet in their new fatherland. The celebrated festivals hyacinthiniennes with Sparte, point out the religious designs of Phénicie and Syria; Venus and Hercules are, if one can speak thus, originating in Ascalon and Tyr. Pallas Athéné, in spite of its entirely Hellenic aspect meets in some of its features, in Lindos, Corinthe and, even in the very Athenian legend of Amazones, with Semitic Astarté.

The Greeks while arriving in their new fatherland were thus placed opposite a population which had crossed the first degrees of the wild life and which was civilized in contact with the colonies and of the Asian influences. They mingled with this population, and as after all they appear to have been higher to him by the physical force and by the language, perhaps by some more raised religious ideas, they dominated it and absorbed it where it was not presented in too compact masses. - The ascending one exerted by the Greeks on the other races of the sphere, was considerable from time immemorial. It became irresistible after the conquest of Alexandre, and one sees immense territories then adopting arts, manners, and especially the idiom of Grecs.Ce movement continued under the Roman domination; but to tell the truth there always existed, and Thucydide maintains us barbarians who of its time spoke at the same time their own language and the Greek language (1). Only this movement had to meet during the first centuries of the establishment of the Greeks of the serious obstacles. A long time colonies Palestinian, Syrian, and especially of small kingdoms pelasgic had to be maintained on the ground of primitive Greece. That of Péiasgiotes appears to have been one of these kingdoms; that of Andania, capital of Lélèges in Messénie, was undoubtedly another. In Larisses appears to have lived during several generations a mixed population of aboriginals and Greeks. The construction of these strengthened enclosures was due undoubtedly to the former inhabitants of the country; but nothing proves that the Greeks were not determined there of considerable number. - The only fact of the construction of Larisses shows that their inhabitants, Pélasges of Pennate and of Amyros feared .déjà the incursions of Doriens and Perrhèbes camped on the southernmost slopes of Olympe, as of Magnètes which traversed Ossa and Pélion (21. Pélasges, mixes rear borigenes and of Aryâs, but where the aboriginals appear to have dominated by the number, were overcome and crushed a little later by the i.ivasion of Thessaliens, followed

(1) Thucyd., IV. 109, F

(2) Duncker, III, p. 20.

about that of Doriens, hard mountain dwellers, true North- mans of antiquity, attracted as later the latter speak fertile grounds and the rich cities about midday. One will now understand without difficulty that the Greeks of the Hellenic confederation, which was founded following the conquest dorienne, designated by the name of Pélasges the primitive Greeks of the Peloponnese, the Attic and other regions still, since these Greeks had carried out the life of the aboriginals with which they had mixed, adopted partly their worships, and had been defended with them behind the kids walls (I). But with stronger reason Hellènes were to call Pélasges the descendants of the aboriginals, since they had héritédulangage and of manners so much is not very cruel their ancestors, as well as theirs handles to build strong castles.

The aboriginals thus appear to be absorbed slowly by the Greek immigrants, as we see the Albanians nowadays, after being themselves widespread to leave especially XIVe century in all the areas of modern Greece, désapprendre until their native idiom and to come Greek in their turn. In Argos, about dry bed of the river formerly separated the Albanian district from that of Hellènes; before the war of independence, no Albanian of Argos, says one, could not speak Greek. One tells as many Albanian Athens of it. The campaigns and the cantons of the Attic, Eubée Southerner, Mégare, Argos, Corinth are today

(1) Let us not forget that there was close to Argos, in Pélopo- nèse, another Larissa with a Jupiter temple.

entirely inhabited of Albanian. The population of the cities only is or absolutely Greek as in Carysto, Nauplie, Corinthe, in Pirée; or the Greek element is dominating there as in Athens, Argos and Mégare (1). In the islands of Hydra, of Spezzia, of Poros, deSalamine it had there before the war against the Turks hardly of women able to speak or only to include/understand Greek; it is this war which involved the Albanians and which cemented the union between the two races. Botzari and Za- calved were Souliotes, Wasso Montenegrin, Chadshi Cristo Serbe (2). On the fleet one spoke then, one speaks still today generally Albanian. But from now on the Albanian wants to be called Helene; he to point out its old nationality, it is in its eyes, to treat it of barbarian. In a little considerable places of At tick the Albanian women speak Greek in the streets, when they are believed observed foreigners; even danë the islands of Hydra, Spezzia, of Salamine, all youth knows the Greek. Everywhere today the descendant of Skipétars recognizes the superiority of the language, the genius and the Hellenic letters; and it undergoes readily the ascending one of a civilization which seems to ennoblir those which adopt it.

This fact is of an major importance and it makes take a considerable step with our research. Indeed, just as the Albanian nowadays behind the Greek, wouldn't it is dissimulated have been already let absorb by him in former times? Will not be necessary it to recognize in Alba-

(1) Hahn, p. 223.

(2) Hahn. p. 258.
be born the downward one from the antique race of Pélasges? Hahn thinks it, but as it concentrated its studies especially on Albania itself, the evidence pled by him in favour of its thesis do not appear sufficient. We will try in the following pages to discover others and to thus contribute of them to supplement its beautiful work.

§ 9. - The solution of Sémitistes. - Pélasges. Pelishtiin,

Why Greece enjoying a so beautiful climate, of a generally fertile ground would have been a desert before the immigration of the Greeks? Hérodote says expressly that she was inhabited by barbarians: its demonstration is significant, if it is not conclusive. Thucydide does not decide also clearly, but it seems to abound in the same direction; Pausanias and especially Strabon provide curious evidence .à l'appui de the thesis supported by Hérodote. Only Pélasges not being Greek, could be other thing that of Orien - rate, that a population similar to that of these Phéniciens, of these Cariens whose vessels penetrated in all bays, in all the gulfs of the peninsula, establishing stations in all the favorable places, trafficker, plundering, working the money mines, seeking the famous shell which provides the color crimson.

It sometimes was thought and Rœth did not hesitate to identify neAtwjc/et Peleshti fi';. T of this word, says it, is not radical, it belongs to the ending in peleshet. The topic is pallash the emigrant, expression which was preserved in Ethiopic falasi. Then he adds: that the Greeks replaced the Semitic shin by the ay groups, ffx is known. and ^x- Indeed, Hahn reports (2) that the Jews living the East, whatever the idiom of which they are useful, Greek, Wallachian, Turkish or Arab, designate the Albanians by the name of Pelishtim i.e. Philistins. But this fact, if as well is as it proves something, does not prove nothing for the etymology Rœth. The Jews called the Greeks by their older name: Yavan. The traditions of highest antiquity remained long-lived on their premises as at the majority of the people of Raising; but cestraditions always do not rest on scientifically established facts. Thus the Jews call still today Germany Ashkenas, name of a descendant To gum, and people that Jérémie seems to place not far from Arménie. (Cpr. Ascanius, etc) There is nothing impossible so that, sailing on the vessels of Phéniciens and Cariens, they met in X' 1 century in the Archipelago and on Asia-Minor these frightening pirates, and having intended them to call N” \ afyoi, they inflicted to them, using a false etymology, the name of an also enemy and hated race. With the surplus Pélasges and Philistins had establishments in Crete (3), ilss' were there

(1) Hahn. p. 258. (2.1 Hahn, p. 224.

(3) One is not unaware of only the Bible made come the Philistines from Caph- tor. countries in which some historians would like to recognize undoubtedly often mixed, and could with the sometimes confused rigour being. But to find in these Pélasges antiques the Albanians of today, it should be admitted that they spoke, not Greek, but Albanian, or a language similar to Albanian. The equation Pélas- ges-Albanian would be established, but that of Pélasyes-Plish- tim would be isolated.

One cannot stop with the thought that the funds of the primitive population of Greece was composed of Semites; there would have remained about it deeper traces in the legends, the history and the geography, and even in the language of Hellènes. The influence of Phéniciens on the Greeks would not know, undoubtedly, being disputed. It bursts in the transmission of the letters of the alphabet, many religious traditions, the names of a crowd of islands, small islands and places located on the edges of the sea and with the mouth of the rivers. But with the single exception of Thèbes near, they do not appear to have based serious colonies on the Hellenic continent; it was enough for them, generally, to have stations for their traffic and the fishing of the shell which provides the crimson. I would not like to however support sometimes that hordes of emigrants joined together had not tried to penetrate in the interior of the grounds and had not succeeded in at least mixing and merging with the indigenous population. Strabon in the famous passage where he teaches us that Greece was inhabited formerly by barbarians, quotes inter alia the tribes of Aoniens, Hyantes and Temmices (Ts/^ufxef) like having invaded Béotie. He adds that they were driven back by Cadmus, founder precisely of Thèbes, and that Hyantes rejected towards the E tolie and Phocide, founded Hyampolis. Let us not try to clear up the origin of Aoniens and Hyantes; the explanation which we could provide not presenting a sufficient character of certainty. Let us fix our attention on Temmices; Strabon says expressly, that they had come from the borough and the headland of Sunium. However, the Sunium words and Temmicesne could be explained using Greek roots; but Hebrew returns reason without effort from there. Sunium indeed appears to come from the verb jl^shounlreposerj^al^; (shouni) peaceful, estlenom of a son of Gad, T3 Z1 \ there (shounêm) two places of rest, that of a city in the tribe of Isashar. Sunium as Salamine would be thus: place of calm and peace, a place of refuge for the exhausted sailors, vessels damaged. - The letter T in Termes answers S (Z] Hebrew; thus *i] Xtzôr) fortress, made Idfof (Tyr) in Greek. Temmices derives obviously from a verb ~0¥ (Zamak) which is only one alternative of SQ^ (Zamê) to be faded, desiccated (CP. Zamaen Africa, properly: thirst). From there piaï dryed grapes, and cake where one makes some enter, still today in Italian: simmuki. Temmices are consequently the inhabitants of an arid canton, burned by the sun. However, with the southern point of the Attic precisely the dème of the 'AÇw was; -/, otherwise desiccated. - Does one Want another example of a trace of Semitic populations established on the ground of Greece? Pausanias calls the most former inhabitants of Béotie Hec- tenes; they would have lived there at the time of Ogyge. (CP. proper names of Gygès, Guèges and Okéanos). It is there all that one knows. The word does not appear Greek, but he is extremely well explained like Hiphil of the pop verb (ka- your) to be small; and he answers thus perfectly in the name of Minyens, whose direction is: the small ones, tribe living famous Jolcos and Orchomenos, cities also, the second especially, by the forwarding of Argonautes, which was organized by the Minyens chiefs; by their constructions, their trade and their richnesses which were accumulated there as of before the time of the Trojan War. As well as the inhabitants of Thèbes, Minyens were early in contact with Phéniciens, and there is no doubt that the latter did not mingle with them of rather great number.

Crete. But today one admits more readily than this name indicates the Eastern coast of Egypt, the North-East of the Delta where. Semites had been able to be maintained even after the expulsion of Hyp- S.O.S. One explains Have-Kaphtor by the Egyptian words Aa-Kaft. islands and coasts.

These double names throw a gleam over obscure times of the legend and mythology Hellenic. Thus Hésychius teaches us that the name of Hector is a Phrygian word, that it has the same direction as Astfsîcf Persian and than it means careful (^ ' wifjnx}. One can about it bring closer Germanic Hœgni, hegen, hecken, aus- hecken. Let us recall while passing another Troïen: Paris also indicated by the Greek name of Alexandre.

10. - Etymology of the name of Pélasges

It would be strong to wish that one could discover the double of the name of Pélasges in order to know the origin best of it and to include/understand the direction of them. This name indeed present the disadvantage of admitting a too great number of éty- mologies. If one could see in the last syllable of \ a.syi>s a shortened form of the ending - ysrof which we find in words such as Tnhvyeros, Ia.vysToi (word for word: if large:) , Pélasges could be simply 01 ytsyovoTif Tréh&s, i.e. the neighbors. This name would have been given to them by the Greek immigrants, who on all the points of the country settled beside them. Just as the form - ysjof answers the last participle of the scr. g' year to be born: g' quoted, that of yot would answer the form scr. shortened g' has which has the same direction and meets at the end of the compounds. One can be astonished that this etymology was still proposed by nobody; perhaps spider monkey the disadvantage to appear too simple. It is admitted with difficulty, that of. very old words did not undergo in the course of the centuries of the deep changes and sometimes of true deformations.

One could also suppose that the word ~le \ a.ctrn) and \ \ $a.syoi name of a population of the Caucasus for 'h&y being. The Greek language does not feel reluctant precisely with the consonance ry, as it is proven by words such as niaya, Kîayos, îiayix, khiayta. in Albanian wants to say rock, cave of a rock; it is the Greek a-rn^, a-jrrihity^ Latin spelunca. We do not dare to insist.

Hahn sees in the first syllable of Ue \ a.yyô< the Greek T “M.6f, been windy, véheics black, noirâtre vl. In the second he believes to recognize motpelasgic a.çyo< (alb. âf “a) which would not be other than the gr. à.ypôs, lat. ager, goth. a/crs, that the Greeks would have, in this proper name at least, deformed in - afy' off. It translates consequently: inhabitants of the black cotton soils, of the fertile grounds gets along, and it quotes Strabon which had already noticed that Larisséens of the plain of Mysie as well as those of Thessalie had been established on grounds of alluvium, along the river bank of Caystre, Hermos and Pennate (2i. He adds according to Denis d' Halicarnasse (.3) that Pélasges which emigrated in Italy laughed to yield by the aboriginals the marshy grounds of Vélie (iv O' H riinà. Tro^hk |a.
it) Hahn, p. 244.

! .2) Strabon, XII. p. 621:7 ij: <>
We reserved up to now one of oldest and the most naive explanations of the word Us^cnyoi, explanation which already in antiquity defrayed the cheerfulness of the Athenians. According to this one nor \ a.ay! >f would be indeed a softer form, more modern for tre^apylis the bird with the black and white plumage, the stork. Though Aristophane, in its Birds, had fun to call ro ^s \ a.pyinoi the bastion builds close to the Acropolis by Pélasges, nothing proves that \ ctçyoi was not really the first form of the name of the people of which we study the origins. It is that 7ri \ tiçyi> {was not used only like name appellative. Pausanias maintains us (1) Pélargé which restores in Thèbes the worship pelasgic desKabires (divinities originally phenicians) abolished by the Epigones after their victory. The language often differentiates by a light nuance from the form two concepts which merged in the beginning and were expressed by the same mot. the Greek provides many examples here: S'^si liga-

(1) Paus., IX. chap. xxv.

bit and ïeàset oportebit; , qa.iva-yca.ia and \ - j.s (M \ and “iiw, isWi and <é” “/, etc ^1). Pélasges would thus hold their name of the wandering life which they carried out in the first centuries of their long migrations, their frequent displacements. This name is justified enough by the table that Thucydide traces, in the first pages of its history, of the instability of the establishments of the tribes traversing at one unmemorable time the regions of Greece, disputing on an always moving scene the best grounds and the best pasturages, guerroyant together without interruption, supplanting and succeeding the ones the others, ending with long up mixing and merging.

However, there were on the ground of Greece another people, be-EC another? - being called Storks, exactly like Pélasges; they was LéZèges. In Albanian effetLjeljek wants to say the stork. This coincidence takes place to surprise; it seems a new index of the diversity of the races which, at the origin, ran up on the Hellenic ground. The word Pélasges would be thus only the traduc- tiond' a name Albanian appellative, become proper name. The word Pelishtim, whose the Jews make use of Raising to designate the Albanians would be yet only the same word (Pélasges) deformed, or if one likes better, transformed following more or less erroneous historical combinations. Finally these Pélasges, to which one could join

(1) Everyone knows the many double forms of the French language: roide and rigid, frail and fragile, ones popular and shortened by an energetic accent: others again introduced into the language by the classes well-read women and erudite, preserving with the majority of their elements, their Latin significance.

Tyrrhenian, Lyciens, Caucons, Dardaniens etc, large wall builders, large manufacturers of castle-forts, could not be well not Greeks thoroughbred. Be-they not rather ancestors of the mountain dwellers épirotes who still today emigrate each year by groups in Greece and theMinor one, renting their arms with which wants to pay them to brick up these more or less cyclopean walls, walls much less durable than those of antiquity and resembling to them however by the imperfection of the processes of a very primitive art?

It is there of enough sharp gleams. So now it was possible for us, in the middle of the old geographical and historical names of Greece, to discover of it a certain number, whose resources of the Greek language could not return account, and who presented an easy direction only explained with the assistance of Albanian; so especially these Albanian names were assigned to places which the tradition announces us like having been inhabited by of Lélè- ges, the gleams would become perhaps clearnesses; Albanian would have been spoken in all the extent about the Hellenic fatherland, before the arrival of Aryâs Greek.

But before approaching this new study, it is important to say a word of these Lélègesqui are essential all-with blow to our attention; we will have to be also explained on the help which we await from a serious examination of Albanian grammar and especially of the Albanian vocabularies.

§ 11. - Lélèges and Pélasges.

These people neglected a long time by the historians nowadays caused the erudite searchs for Misters Kie- PERT and Deimling. The last in particular, by accumulating many materials, endeavoured to prove that Lélèges came directly from Asia, that they are of the same race than the Greeks, like all the tribes installed on the soldel' Hellade before the arrival of the Greeks, like Kourètes, Caucons, Hyantes and perhaps Pélasges themselves. With are the eyes of Mr. Deimling Tro- ïens of race Phrygienne, the Phrygian ones not being them also that a branch of the big family of Aryâs - finally, which would believe it? Cariens themselves would be a species of Pélasges, i.e., Greeks detached later of the group pelasgic by the invasion of the Semites, invasion placed by Mr. Deimling after the Trojan War. All that because an author, who lived time of Alexandre, declares that the language of Cariens ceased being a hard language, a great number of Greek words there being slipped (1); and because Homère would not have made to mention nowhere Semites in general and Lydians in particular. Like if Assaracos, for example, wire of Tros and grand' father of Anchise, were not a Semitic name like if the memories of manners and of

(1) Strabon, p. 565. T.V, mû jrh.eïfTa, w' ofJMTu. e^hniuxà. l'/^ei

Semitic worships did not abound in the legend troïenne.

What one can affirm, it is that following the example them Pélas- ges, Lélèges meet about in all the parts of Greece. They are widespread in the Peloponnese i.e. in Messénie, laLaconie and Triphylie; one finds them in Hellade proprementdite, i.e. in Acarnanie, in Leucadie, where Lélex would have been the grandfather of Téléboes and the ïaphiens; in the country of Locriens, which according to Aristote (1) would have been called Lélèges formerly; in Béotie where they are named beside Aoniens and of Hyantes; in Mégaride finally, where Lélex come from Egypt would have come to be established and would have imposed the name of Lélèges to the inhabitants of the country. Lastly, they lived the islands of the Archipelago a long time; they occupied the Western coast of theMinor one, and let us see we them installed close and in the middle of Cariens, of Troïens, in Thèbe, Autandros, Ephèse, Milet, Myndos, Bargylie; it appears on according to Strabon, that they covered with their kid cities part of Pisidie. Let us not forget only Locriens, which in any time appear to have lived the same ground that Lélèges (2), attached their family tree to Deucalion. This last with the head of Hellènes, to which from Lélèges and Courètes would have come to join, would have crossed Acarnanie and Etolie and would have driven out Pélasges of Thessalie. The origin of this tradition of Locriens,

(1) At Strabon, VII, 7. f2j Denis d' Halicarnasse. L, 7: Jtaî AfA^VW, oî vvv \ tKfoi

find its explanation in some worms of large Eées d' Hésiode:

Hto/yètç AoAll pâ, Tote Kfor/AêXT ovs îx.

It is a question here obviously for the poet of giving an account of the direction of the name of Lélèges by one of these a little puerile etymologies whose old ones are if prodigal. It presents them like a confused mixture of wandering hordes (m&toÎ, svAAejcTo/, [juj-Âfes and y/>hW 7r ^a.vtnoi), opinion whose not only Strabon and Denys d' Halicarnasse, but still Bœckh and other philologists modern appear to have been easily deceived.

Hésiode and Denys d' Halicarnasse would consequently appear to see in Pélasges and Lélèges two people distinct. They were it undoubtedly, but they however resembled each other and were très-probablement of the same race. We will point out that all and sundry lived peacefully side by side in the Decay (1). Antan- dros which according to the Alcée poet belonged to Lélèges (2), is called a city of Pélasges by Hérodote (3); the island of Andros, which formerly carried itself according to Pline, the name of Antandros had a pelasgic population (4). Strabon, according to Homère, Pélasges place, Lélèges and Cau-

<1) Strabon. XIV. 2,27.
2) Strabon. XIII, 1. 51.
<3) Herod., VII, 42.
V' NR. H. IV, 2,22, S 65,

idiots about on the line (1), and if the Peloponnese, so in particular Arcadie passed for the oldest fatherland of Pélasges, Lélex is called the most former inhabitant, or better, the most former king autochthonedeLacédémone (2). Side of Mégare, Lélèges appear only to have one foot on the dry land; it is that there is at side the powerful canton of Argos inhabited by of Pélasges. Joined together in Locriens, Courètes, or confused with them, they occupy a broad place in the Western part of Greece. On the other hand they are Pélasges which imposes their name on Dodone, in Thessalie, and which even dominates in the Attic, since, according to Hérodote, the Ionian ones also are of Pélasges. At first sight Pélasges and Lélèges appear to us as two tribes which unequally divide Greece, the islands and the coasts of Anatolia. When one looks at there more closely, Pélasges are presented in the form of the strongest nation. The Greeks having penetrated in the country by north, found there, plain with natural in Dodone, in Thessalie, Argo- lide, of true centers, hearths of civilization peeled gic. The role of Lélèges is much more unobtrusive; everywhere they fold and disappear with the approaches from the history. The series of kings Lélèges who reign in Amyclée, Thérapné, Andanie is replaced without apparent shock by the Achaean dynasty. Ancée, king of Lélèges to Its mos, accomodates the Ionian colonists who come to be established in his island; it does not resist to them. Already at the time of Homère, Broken, king of Lélèges dePédasos, had succumbed

(1) Strabon, XII, 8,4.

(2) Pausanjas, III, 1,1: IV, 1,1,

under the blows of Achilles; this last had devastated pareillement the small towns of Thèbe and Lyrnesse, pertaining to the same people. It is only the legend locrienne quoted by us higher, who allots auxLélèges a role of winners and conquerors. It is an isolated note to which an etymology without value scientific, but appreciated formerly, could only give a momentary authority. Still Lélèges they are presented there like having fought to the second rank (\ on^s Ae \ éyw nyiwcno Ko.Ùv).

Lélèges are one of these primitive, inoffensive races and weak, which yield soon the step to the races more strongly soaked north, which have the role of founding states, to establish durable traditions, to inaugurate progress in the history. Lélèges appear to be subjected about without resistance to the immigrants; and, partly, they were let absorb by them. On the islands, they were the prey of Cariens, which often made some, as Strabon tells it to us, their auxiliaries and their comrades in arms, more often still their slaves. This situation still lasted of the time of Alexandre, since a writer of this time, Philippe de Théangèle gives us the insurance in formal terms of it (1). Lélèges appear to have been for Cariens this quelesCillicyriens were for the Greeks of Syracuse, Bebryces for those of Cyzique, the Libyan tribes, for those of Cyrène. To accept with a so great eagerness the constraint, hardly appears to be in

(1) Athenaeum, VI, 267: Kcti Kâfe” tynat roîV hétefyv èùf rô. '- o.i Ts X “I Ci?.

practices of Hellenic people of race or even indoeuropéenne. Also we consider Lélèges as the primitive inhabitants of all the countries which occupy us; their name is oldest that one meets there; we find them on the islands of the Archipelago before in Cariens overcome and subjected in their turn by Minos, king de Crète. The hegemony exerted by this last on the Aegean Sea undoubtedly goes up beyond the time of the Trojan War. We thus manage to fix the time when Lélèges lived free on a ground that nobody disputed to them yet, in XIIIe and perhaps at the XIV " century before our era.

§ 12. - Continuation of the same subject. - Lélèges, Pélasges and Gréco-Pélasges.

Lélèges undoubtedly form part of the mass of the pelasgic and greco-pelasgic population; but while being withdrawn more and more towards the south and in the islands, they appear to have preserved an about independent existence a long time and to be themselves not confused with this mass. Pélasges and Greco-Pélasges in our opinion were born from the mixture of the Greeks and the primitive inhabitants from the country. Las Greco-Pélasges in particular appear to have constituted entirely new people, which after being itself installed in the valley of Dodone, around the lake Achérusien, occupied the fertile grounds of Thessalie, and delaPhocide, disputed that of Béotie in Cadméens, penetrated in the Peloponnese by the isthmus, invades north, the center and is peninsula and founded, the kingdom, a long time powerful (for these times) of Pélopides. The fusion of the two races in which the Hellenic element acquired the preponderance quickly, gave birth to a poetry, an art, worships, a whole civilization to which former inhabitants of the countries driven back more and more towards the south or worms of the less fertile cantons of the west, remain initially foreign. Of Locriens, of Etoliens, Acarnaniens attend them and mingle with them, without it resulting from this contact of the durable establishments and throwing glare. It is only much later that Lélèges will be included in the “stock” of the Hellenic population, in which they will disappear without leaving of another trace that the names of some cities and some mystical worships (for example in Andanie). - Pélasges themselves were born, according to us, pareillement of the mixture of the Greeks and natural of the country; - but in fusion, it is the blood lélège which dominates and which was renewed by the crossing with the stronger race. They are there Pélasges of Larisses which, expul its of the Teas dirtied and later of the Attic, emigrated, pursued by Doriens, on the islands and the coasts of theMinor one. There they could find men of their race having the same uses and speaking the same language as them. Indeed, Homère shows us Pélasges, Lélèges, Lyciens combined in Troyens and Dardaniens, all confused in the same rows and also hostile with the Hellenic name. All these tribes appear to have spoken about the dialects of the same language, different from the Greek idiom, but in which, thanks to frequent free intercourse that the war as peace established between the natural ones and the invaders, a crowd of Greek words had been able to slip. - The Greeks besides knew this language; they intended it to speak every day in the countries that they had just conquered on the continent of Europe, exactly like the Greeks of today are not very surprised while intending to speak Albanian at side and in the middle of them. Only the more raucous intonations of Cariens strongly semitized appear to have formed a dissension with the more harmonious dialects of the indigenous races; this is why does Homère call them £ “? £a.poyât>ovs. Is it necessary to include/understand among these Cariens Ciliciens established in Mysie? The names of their small towns of Thèbe and Lyrnesse indicate an origin lélège. But Ciliciens could be seized a territory which did not belong to them initially, while leaving with the places their old denomination. Ciliciens themselves are certainly Sémites; the proof is provided by it all at the same time by the names of their aïeux: Phoenix and Agénor, and by the name which they carried themselves, Cilix being other thing only Hebrew pSn meaning batch, portion (ground, gets along). Ciliciens would be x^foû^o/in the Greek direction. - Remainder the Semitic names abound in Anatolia and Troade in particular. Gergis, Kebren, Adramyttion are certainly cities founded or inhabited by Semites. Semitic gods were venerated in Ilion etàDardanie, and a Semitic dynasty appears to have reigned there. - We believe however that the primitive limit of the Semitic races was Halys. It is by the conquest that Cariens, Ciliciens, Ly-

diens for which it is perhaps necessary to add the Assyrians, was made a place in the center and on the coasts of Asia Mineure itself; all the ground that they occupy there, appears to be removed with the first inhabitants of this region.

§ 13. - Albanian, the language of Lélèges. Character of this language.

We think that the primitive inhabitants of Greece and Asia-Minor until Halys, had to speak about the idioms more or less similar to the Albanian language; we would even dare to say that they spoke the same language as Skipétars nowadays, if one could make use of the term of identity, when it has been about a language of use in the same region for more than 3000 years. Is the modern Greek the same language as the Greek of Homère? and how Albanian nowadays could it be comparable with dialects spoken in highest antiquity, when of these dialects there do not remain to us monuments; when they were not fixed by school traditions? Let us add that the Albanian vocabulary offers to us a true formed mosaic of the remains of a crowd of idioms of use among people which invaded and had in turn the neighbouring Epire antique and countries. After the Greek who provided a formidable quota, comes Latin surrounded of the languages which contributed to form it and of those to which it gave birth. Mr. Miklosich enumerates 930

Romance words whose existence in the Albanian language goes up, partly at least, higher than the Roman domination, and perhaps higher than the foundation of Rome itself. The Slavic languages such as the Serb one, the Bulgarian one, ledalmate, etc, contributed for more than 300 words; much more significant is the supplement provided by the Turkish language carting in its turbid water some Arabic pieces. Finally one should not too much be astonished to meet in the Albanian dictionary of Ci from there, some Germanic words; Visigoths invaded the country towards the end of the 4th century of our era, and they occupied it during more than 130 years. Still, should not it be forgotten, that good number of German words had slipped into Italian and had been able to find the way of the coast of Albania under a foreign flag.

11 remains to us nevertheless a notable group of Albanian words that no foreign language can help us to explain and who seems to come from old the funds native. They partly express the first most essential concepts such as: to see, hold, live, to have, send, say, live, seize, enter, eat; then: ground, sea, bird, Master, young girl, brother and so much of others. As for grammar, it has, as Bopp extremely well showed, of the many relationship with that of other Indo-European languages; and Mr. Miklosich showed by a crowd of examples that in the conj Albanian ugaison and the derivation of the words, the influences of the flexives forms and the Slavic and Turkish endings were very-sensitive. Perhaps it would be useful to show well in what consists, according to us, the deeply original character of the albanians.
The adjectives of this language have like those of Slavic kind of appendix of pronominal origin; these names suffixent an article, as make Rumanian and the Bulgarian one (1). But its pronouns have odd forms, often heteroclite; the plural of a great number of substantives presents unexplained strangenesses until now; sometimes a syllable is inserted between the radical and the ending, p. e.g.: /3e \ *” brother (Se^a-Stock-m (2) brothers; tan tôtla vowel of the radical undergoes a modification, p. e.g.: K “.w ox, kje-Re oxen; Éfea goes, pi. £veçTe; S~oçex.m&m, p \. JWfTs (3). Ily ades substantive whose variation is completely irregular; like I-ja it ewe, pi. fine. It is quite other thing in the conjugation. Ony finds this change of the vowel of the radical which points out teutonic apophony, p. e.g.: We \ I give birth to, ToVa aorist, pi. vovet^f/. Bfa$, jetue, imparf. lrc nobody: /3pari] ~ ou/3pâffe; 3m<-sea-green. : fys plural sea-green lre. : ^â.se^. ; sea-green 3mc. : fy' nve, etc That to say then strange augment” v which precedes regularly the passive aorist or average and which could be well identical to same syllable OV inserted so often between the radical and the ending? = of the past participle, p. e.g.: £êTî, I

(1) The Wallachian one is the only one of all the néo-Latin languages, COM; the Bulgarian one is the only one of all the Slavic languages, which places the article after the name. Were these two idioms thus obviously subject to the influence of Albanian in can-one not concluding, that Albanian was spoken non-seulement much in the past than breadths two idioms mentioned, but what it was as widespread in a ray much vaster as today?

(2) The insertion of a syllable takes place in the singular sometimes, for example: Çcy, bird (indefinite), i^oiyx-sv with the article.

(3) These modifications point out those which one finds in the Semitic variation. Female Kotê/pa de Kctf, the carien on the contrary is formed exactly like Çoiyx, - OV of fyy the bird.

go; leaves. : /2 =6T-ou-fe, walk, vfévy-OV-Ge sitting, beside pâfe fallen, ar/fê or aiiiçt thrown? There is then a score of completely irregular verbs, of which several, such as ii^T I give, a' O and fâ-^ I see, p7et pry I sat,/? <7 I come and, 3/e I fall, I carry, form a few times and some people of other roots.

One knows until now only one small number of endings, àl' assistance whose has lieula derivation of the adj ectifs and the substantives. Thus the formation of the words and their classification by roots were not tried yet by the albanophiles, it is the most obscure part of the language of Skipétars. Let us quote to finish two Greek idioms, which are found in Albanian; it is initially turning You has” fi* Tféxei. Substantives, used in the plural only in Albanian, though having a singular direction, the adjective in the plural but the verb in the singular claims only, p. e.g.: Sjx.sts isrs ve 7rtx.sTs the cheese is rancid (1). It is then analytical turning O viix O rov Trarçof, N %vya. Ttip M - laugh nmfa. This construction is of Albanian rigour (2). The latter being with our direction a language older than the Greek, we believe that it is this one which inherited the singularities of that one. One would not include/understand that the Greek had inserted some of these turns original and little known in other languages, in an idiom as rudimentary as Albanian.

This last must-it to be reproduced on a list of the languages indoeuropéennes? With this question one can answer by yes or not. It is undoubtedly neither a Semitic language, nor

(1) Hahn, p. 39.

(2) Hahn, p. 42 Albanian Grammar).

a language touranienne. Its variation and its conjugation offer some vague resemblances to those of the idioms which group around Sanskrit; it has in COM munavec the latter the names of number. But we know, that it is a weak argument there to establish the relationship between two languages; - the Arab names of number penetrated in a crowd of African languages, in substituent with the indigenous words which indicated them. One can say that the organization and the syntax of Albanian are rather European. But it would be by no means impossible that Pélasges, Lélèges, Lyciens and Dardaniens had spoken there are 30 to 40 centuries an idiom sui generis, still embryonic and fusible, if it is allowed to be thus expressed, that this idiom had been formed and transformed in contact with the Indo-European idioms spoken about the people which wrapped these primitive races, and which it had taken model on them, without entirely abdicating its originality. I am by no means dissimulated the danger to which I expose myself by having recourse in my research to a also strange language and as little known as Albanian. I am not unaware of either that it is often not very easy to indicate the modifications undergone by the same word, when it passes from a language to other languages belonging to the same family. The difficulties increase, when it is a question of fixing according to principles the forms which the same words pronounced by men affect speaking about the idioms which are not congeneric. But the obstacles appear almost insurmountable, when onse finds in the presence of a language, whose grammar is not sufficiently elucidated, and whose forms are mainly floating. Here it is necessary to compensate for the precision details, the smoothness of the analysis by the obvious identity of the radicals, analogies many and seizing, the agreement of the ethnographic traditions and the linguistic results.



§ 1. - Lélèges according to professor Kiepert and Lyciens according to Dr. Blau.

We choose as starting point of research which will follow, the judgement related to the question which occupies us, by the famous geographer Mr. Kiepert. One can, known as-it, using a crowd of linguistic facts, to give an high degree of probability to the assertion that the primitive people designated at one prehellenic time of the name of Lélèges by of Sémito-Pélasges, is quite simply the same one as that which, in the history, known under the name of Illyriens is spread in the large European peninsula of the south-east, whose remainders and descendants preserve still today under the name of Skipétars or of Albanian their old idiom so much and so deeply transformed.

We share fully the opinion of the scientist professor of Berlin; we will ask him only if he understands by Sémito-Pélasges the primitive natives of Greece who were civilized in contact with Phéniciens installed on the islands and some points of the dry land, or Cariens who, at one time difficult to determine, had crossed and mixed with the Semites come from beyond del' Halys. We would also like to know, for which reason it seems to him that the name of Lélèges has a Semitic origin. It is certain that the word can be explained using the Hebraic language, where ^yh and, [hy (laeg' and it) mean stammerer or speaking like a barbarian. The first L of the name desLélèges could be explained as in lepsek (Lampsaque), Liebris, Lilybée, i.e. the places of passage, the Hebrews, the Libyans. It would be the letter L indicating the dative in the Semitic languages. But until new order we will remain faithful to the etymology which is provided to us by the Albanian language.

On another side, Doctor Otto Blau endeavoured to establish in an very-interesting article, published in the Collection of the German Eastern Company, in 1863, qu ' there are many relationship, close friends between manners, the legends and the language of old Lycie and those of Albania. While making reserves about the way in which the inscriptions lycians were interpreted by him, we believe that Doctor Blau guessed the truth and that on several points it met it. While serving to us as several of its judicious observations, as well as abundant data by Mr. Hahn, us drudges to develop the outlines of our predecessors, by grouping them and by connecting them between them. We would like to give an high degree of probability with what, until now had appeared to be only one presumption and an assumption, and a range more serious and vaster with what was regarded quite simply as an interesting sight.

§ 2. - Names of the Lélèges cities formed using the Anda root.

Movers already had noticed that a crowd of names of cariennes cities ended in the syllable anda (I). Mr. Blau notices in his turn that this ending is found in the names of a great number of localities still now existing in Albania, such as: Pra- manda, Gurasenda, Agnonda, Marandi, Kurendo (2). As for us, we will try to initially excavate the ground, which with the eyes of the former Greeks passed to have been more particularly the fatherland of Lélèges, since they had preserved to him the name of Lélégie (\ E \ tyM~) \ we want to speak about Messénie and Laconie. We will seek to find there the same anda root in the names of the ancient cities of these cantons, by expressing the hope that in the event of success the results will be able to provide the key of more than one problem, unsolved until our days.

(1) Movers Phœnicier, III. p. 255.

(2) Blau. p. 661, according to the charts of Albania de Kiepert.

According to Pausanias (1), Lélex was regarded as oldest living south of the Peloponnese. It would have had for Neptune father and a mother Libya, girl of Epaphos. This genealogy seems to indicate that a part at least of the population of the country was originating in Africa. Our later observations will tend, if we are not mistaken, to strengthen this assumption.

Lélex and its successors would have reigned, always according to Pausanias, during several clées generations with Amy-, old capital of Laconie. The second wire of Lélex, which had name Polycaon, would have founded a new kingdom, and, name of his wife Messène, it would have called it Messénie; it would have built there, inter alia Anda- cities denies, which was to be the residence of the kings of the country. Bense- ler, continuator of the dictionary of the Greek proper names of Pope, translated Andanie: pleasant city. Already Etienne de Byzance had made come this word from à.vS' â.veiv - it is true that it had added like comment the negation (/*” &v Siu/w, exactly as formerly one reduced “read cus I” has not lucendo). - One can be astonished with reason which a German philologist could make a similar blunder. It is as if one wanted to form present juap&itw, KaL^luiai, Ka.tà of the substantives [j.u.v%ct.via., etc, instead of forming them /u topics “Sr, *<*£, ha%. One cannot give an account of this word using the Greek language. To seize the direction of them, it is necessary to have recourse to Albanian. Already, in the vocabulary of Xylander one reads: vréna. to be sitted. Hahn presents the form vféija. as being the irregular aorist of the verb pi, j>iy I sit, I sat, I

(1) Psusanias, I, 34; III. 1. 1,

rest me (1). NT “W and vS' étja. seem to be attached to the verb vhf, vféiy, vïiviy (dialect guégeois) I extend, I draw, I spread. From there participles vféça., vfehovça., vfévnpijct meaning tension, extension, wide; finally the substantives vféwjovpa., wfeiTpeja. dwelling, stay, leisure. The primitive direction of this verb appears to have been that of a movement without determined goal, of a walk. Names of the Greek cities 'O^o^eiftx, “E^evsis, 'EMvSeçtti, which all come from the verb 'éf/opa.! , seem to have indicated places where one walked, of the busy places. The river of Syria, which bears the name of Eleuthéros, wants to not say that which is free, but that which goes; the names of Padus and Ganges (of Po and Gange) do not mean another thing. However the name of Andanie is not returned by 'Q^c^evis in Greek, but well by OÎx “a/<* - it is there indeed, the second name that Andanie would have carried according to Strabon (2). It is probably one of these so frequent double names in the countries inhabited by different races. There were four cities of the nomd' Oechalie in Greece, namely: in Eubée, in Thessalie, Etolie and finally in Messénie or Arcadie. The word contains a rather general direction indeed, if, as we it think, it is composed of olutt and *a “, and that it means group of houses or households (3).

(1) Camarda (Grammatologia, I, 301) explains the two words tfatlf, vSlu/f; neighbor, near, and it makes them come from vS' I “w/e on side, at side

(2) Strabon. p. 291,33.

(3) The ruins of the town of Andanie were found in 1840, by the famous traveller Ernest Curtius, close to the village of Suadani 'for in 'AcJWîac, like Stamboul for elt Tw

In Troade we find the town of Andeira, having belonged, it also, in Lélèges, according to the testimony of Strabon (1), then an affluent of Scamandre YAndiros. Lesdeux words come directly from Albanian i'
There was in the Decay a city called Bap^ÔAi*, founded said one, by certain Bargylos, friend of Belléro- phon (2). The word could be of Albanian origin, &a.i>x. - yov meaning in the idiom of Skipétars series, crown, i.e. pregnant of houses and walls. But what interests us it is that this city would have been also called " AcJWov by Cariens (3). For Cariens, it is necessary to perhaps read Lélèges. It is known that the two people were often confused in antiquity, and Hérodote itself believed that Cariens had been called Lélèges formerly. Proto-Cariens can have been of the same family as the latter; they can have spoken to a language similar to that desLycians, Dardaniens and Pélasges (4).

(1) Strabon, p. 326,56.

(2) Another city of the same region was called Bargasa; one meets Bargula in Macedonia.

(3) I wondered whether Zakkari that one finds in the Egyptian inscriptions would not be Cariens, preceded only by the pronoun nor as an article. In Greek at least F Csa- yin) is returned by a £.

(4) However Cariens which the history makes known to us, already adopted Semitic worships and more than one word of which Hebrew and The anda root still reappears in the name of the borough of £if Ks,”
In all the extent of Asia-Minor, in on this side Halys, we meet a series of cities whose names contain the word anda; only this word does not constitute of it any more the radical, but the last element. It is in the Decay: Alabanda (went, horse?) Cary anda, Labranda vde A*6f “, combat axe?) (2). Alinda (3), Telandros de Sri hill?) ; in Lycie: Arycanda (of arouske a ourse?); in Troade close to Adramyttion; Pasan cla (of passed possession; passoure, passouni, rich person?); in Lycaonie; Laranda (of lar stone?); in Pisidie: Isionda or Isinda, Oinoanda, one of the four boroughs forming between Phrygie etlaLyciela large Tétrapolisde Cibyre where four languages spoke each other, those of Pisidiens, Solymes, the Greeks and the Lydians; in doce Wrapped even, but still in on this side Halys: Soanda (of Albanian soua, relationship, race) (1). One can add Bla- ijndos in the Lydie, Telendos, Lepsimandos, Narian- back, Thryanda, Kadyanda.

Arabic can provide the explanation, Etienne de Byzance teaches us that their old name had been bla.vffab.oi. However, Mausolus wants to say main, Hebrew king (7 \ £? Q, to reign; CP. Mossul).

it) Pausanias. II, 39,9.

<2j Lassen makes come has “.j3pt>$ of Arabic will rabara, to seize with the two hands.

(3) II also in Macedonia a city has there '

In Cappadoce, we find the two small towns of Nazianzus and Arianzus illustrated by the birth of saint Gregoire the Large one, Christian speaker of V° century and by that of his/her father. D being slightly assibilé by the Greeks, the Semites living around appears to have enlarged the sound of the dental consonant. Lesdeuxpremières syllables of Nazianze, point out simple Albanian njës, and the two first of Arianzus, the substantive are, countryside, villa. Let us unite in the name of these two cities that of nçiâveioi, inhabitants of a city of Crete.

Let us announce finally in Cappadoce Andabalis stay of Baal and Andraca, in Paphlagonie Andrapa, names in which the syllable and seems to constitute the funds of the words. But what must especially excite our attention, it is that we frequently find it in

(1) Not to confuse with 2, ovâ, yyeha., where according to Etienne de By- zance, the tombs of kings de Carie were. In Albanian j°va.iy Teut to say to extinguish, faith mortuus is. Te/va appears to come from the same root as VéKav and to mean king. The family of famous Ge Ion was of origin carienne. (Preller Griech. Mythology, II, p. 36.

names of cities located well far from Greece at north and the west.

In Macedonia in the country of Pélagones, was a city called in turn Andaristos and Andraristos (this last form is probably grécisée). In Dalmatie, 'hMfiw, strong city (1) called 'to£énçiw by Ptolémée (2) and 'Ai^Tf/oc by Strabon (3). If our etymology of the word anda is right, the last of the three forms would be the best, because she answers rather exactly Albanian v^ehoupa. dwelling, wide. It is known that lesDalmates was a population illyrienne; Mr. Blau brings to their name that closer to Tih^ifs S of Lycie (4). Hahn already pointed out that in Albanian t&jttf” and ffhfjt.ova.fe mean shepherd (féhje ewe which is attached to £o.mj to advance. CP. the TrpôftaTw Greek). LED miniurn or Dalmion was the old capital of Dalmatie. Two places located in Épire, Aé^ivo and AsÀ/3/paja, bear the same name still today. Strabon besides ensures us that many herds of ewe fed in the plain of Dalmion (5).

The topic anda returns in the names of a city and a tribe of Pannonia: Andautonium (of anda and à
(1) Dion. Case., 56,2

(2) Ptolémée, II, 17,2.

(3) Strabon, p. 261,54.

(4) Blau, Loco citato, p. 660.

(5) Strabon, T. VIII. CH v.

(6) App. Illyr., CH. xv.

race illyrienne. Homère (1) quotes the latter beside Cariens, of Lélèges, Caucons, and divine Pélasges among the allies of Troïens. According to Hérodote (2), they went down from Teucriens; according to Strabon (3), the Phrygian ones They lived the edges del' Axios, and as they are separate only by Dardaniens of the country of the Side noniens, the identity of the latter with Péoniens appears more than probable. Strabon (4) itself seems to regard Pannoniens as being of race illyrienne, since several tribes placed by him to Pannonia are considered by Pline (5), and Velleius Paterculus (6), like forming desDalmates part. However, we have just seen of which nationality were the Dalmatian ones.

^3. - Names formed with Anda.

It is certain that the antique migration of the Albano-EP lasges did not stop there; by going up the coasts of the Adriatic, it met with the avant-garde of the Celts, with whom it mixed without merging with them. Japodes or Japydes which probably do not differ from Japyges, Cretois transplanted of Sicily in Italy, is with the eyes of Strabon mid- people

(1) Strab., X, v. 428.

(2) Hérodote, V, CH. xui.

(3) Strabon, VII, Epit. <4) Strabon, XIII, p. 314.

(5) Pline, Hist. nat, III, 22.

(6) Vell. Patercul., II, CH. cxv.


part Celtic Illyrien etmi-part. The mount Albi custom close which it is said to us that they are installed, appears to draw its name from a Celtic word. On the other hand names of the cities Av- endo. Senia and Tarsatica (alb. will go large, large), located on their territory are explained by Albanian (1).

Istrie was inhabited by people that Scymnus (about year 300) class among Thraces, that Justin (XXXII, 3) and Pline (Hist. Nat., III, 19) make come from Colchide, and in which Zeuss sees of Illyriens (2). It is certain that Thraces and Illyriens were often confused by the old authors, probably because one found them in many places mixed together. We notice that the river which separates Illyrie from Istrie calls Arsia, pointing out Arzen which runs with three miles in the south of Ty- ranna; that the town of Pœdicum reproduces the name of the ntifmhoi, tribe belonging to Peucétiens and Dau- niens come from Greece (3); that the town of Pola could draw its name from an Albanian word (noAiV^e-St, diminutive meaning rack); that Tergeste finally, Trieste of today is explained by the two Albanian words; for the third time all and yé (, IP joy or -, j-=rô” recreation. The name of this city is formed like that of Ségeste and Egeste, city of Sicily which like Entella and Eryx had been founded by Elymiens, tribe come from Troade according to the proper testimony of Thucydide (4). Let us not only forget

(1) CP. Strab., IV, 207; VII, 313,315.

(2) CP. Dieffenbach, Origins European, p. 71.

(3) Strab, p 277,279,282. - Dieffenbach, ibid, p. 96.

(4) Thucyde, VI, 2. It of Troïens was intermingled with Semites. Established in Sicily, we see them adopting Semitic worships and remaining the allies of the Carthaginians.

Monday, February 23, 2009

Despotati shqiptar i Artes!

Despotati shqiptar i Artes!

Aty nga fundi i shek. XIII në Epir fillon të shquhet familja fisnike Shpata. Në vitin 1304 një dokument anzhuin i rendit Shpatajt midis aristokratëve më në zë të Shqipërisë.
Ashtu si dhe për shtëpitë e tjera fisnike shqiptare, edhe për Shpatajt procesi i fuqizimit dhe i emancipimit politik kishte ndjekur një rrugë vazhdimisht në ngjitje, derisa gjeti shprehjen më të plotë pas shembjes së Perandorisë Serbe të Stefan Dushanit (1355). Në atë çast Shpatajt e fisnikë të tjerë shqiptarë e shtrinë sundimin e tyre politik në krejt Epirin dhe, në vitet që pasuan, filluan të zgjerohen në krahinat fqinje jugore të Akarnanisë e të Etolisë. Qeveritari serb i Epirit, mbreti Simeon Uroshi, u detyrua të largohej në Thesali, ku zuri vendin e komandantit serb Qezar Preljubit, i vrarë gjatë një përpjekjeje me shqiptarët e atyshëm. Përfaqësues të tjerë të aristokracisë dhe të administratës së vjetër bizantino-serbe gjetën strehim në qytetin e Janinës. Shtrirja e pushtetit të fisnikëve shqiptarë në Epir ndeshi pengesë te pinjolli i fundit i dinastisë së vjetër sunduese të Epirit, despoti Niqifori II Engjëlli. Në verën e vitit 1358 ky u doli përpara forcave shqiptare në vendin e quajtur Akelou (Akarnani). Ushtria e tij, e përbërë pjesërisht prej mercenarëve osmanë, u asgjësua në betejën e përgjakshme që u zhvillua aty e ku vetë despoti bizantin humbi jetën.
Pas betejës së Akelout krahinat jugore të Epirit, të Akarnanisë e të Etolisë u përfshinë në kuadrin e dy formacioneve shtetërore shqiptare. I pari, me qendër në Artë, kishte në krye fisnikun Pjetër Losha, kurse i dyti, me qendër në Angjelokastër (Akarnani), drejtohej nga despoti Gjin Bua Shpata. Pas vdekjes së Pjetër Loshës më 1374, Despotati shqiptar i Artës dhe ai i Angjelokastrë s u bashkuan nën sundimin e despotit Gjin Bua Shpata. Zotërimet e këtij të fundit përbënin tani një vazhdimësi territoresh prej gjirit të Korintit, në jug, deri në derdhjen e lumit Akeront (Glyki), në veri, ku puqeshin me zotërimet e Gjon Zenebishit. Megjithatë në pjesën lindore të Epirit mbeti një territor i ngushtë me qendër Janinën, i cili nuk u përfshi në kufijtë e këtyre dy formacioneve shqiptare fqinje. Këtu përfaqësuesit e fisnikërisë e të administratës së vjetër serbo-bizantine të Epirit u përpoqën të organizojnë qëndresën kundër hegjemonisë së krerëve shqiptarë. Të mbështetur edhe nga qeveritari i deriparadokohshë m serb i Epirit, Simeon Uroshi, ata mundën të imponojnë si qeveritar të Janinës despotin serb Thoma Preljuboviç. Si djalë i Qezar Preljubit, qeveritarit të Thesalisë të vrarë më 1355 nga shqiptarët, Thomai trashëgoi një armiqësi dhe urrejtje të pashuar kundër tyre.

Despotati i Janinës ishte mbeturina e fundit e sundimit serb në Epir. Qenia e tij përbënte një rrezik real për formacionet fqinje shqiptare të Gjirokastrës e të Artës, pasi Thoma Preljuboviçi vështronte t'i zgjeronte kufijtë e despotatit të tij pikërisht në dëm të zotërimeve të Shpatajve e të Zenebishëve. Nga ana tjetër, despoti serb nuk ngurroi të thërriste për ndihmë kundër sundimtarëve shqiptarë reparte serbe, italiane e, ç'ishte më keq, osmane, duke e kthyer Epirin në një fushë beteje ku mercenarët e huaj mbillnin terror e shkatërrime të pafundme.Këto arsye, si dhe arsye të tjera të natyrës ekonomike (Janina ishte një qendër mjaft e pasur ekonomike e tregtare), i futën sundimtarët shqiptarë të Epirit në një konflikt të gjatë të armatosur me despotin e Janinës. Për tre vjet rresht (1370-1373) kështjella e Janinës iu nënshtrua rrethimit e sulmeve të njëpasnjëshme të despotit të Artës, Pjetër Losha, e të aleatëve të tij, bashkësive shqiptare të mazarakëve e të malakasëve që banonin përreth Janinës. Megjithëse u detyrua të kërkonte paqe, Thoma Preljuboviçi nuk pushoi së përndjekuri e së tiranizuari popullsinë shqiptare të Janinës e të fshatrave përreth, nga e cila tërhiqte robër e pengje që i mbyllte në burgje të posaçme. Për këtë zell të tij kundër shqiptarëve, bashkëkohësit i ngjitën despotit serb nofkën "shqiptarovrasë s" (alvanitoktonos) .

Pas vdekjes së Pjetër Loshës, më 1374, në krye të despotatit të Artës u vu zoti i Angjelokastrë s, Gjin Bua Shpata. Në kohën e sundimit të tij, konflikti me despotin serb, Thoma Preljuboviçin, u ashpërsua edhe më. Që në vitin 1375 Gjin Bua Shpata u shfaq me ushtrinë e tij nën muret e Janinës. Qyteti mundi të qëndrojë edhe kësaj radhe falë mureve të tij të papushtueshme. Gjithsesi, i interesuar për pushimin e armiqësive, Thomai i ofroi Shpatës dorën e së motrës, Helenës. Por martesa nuk e fashiti konfliktin midis Gjin Bua Shpatës dhe Thomait. Për më tepër, në vitet që vijuan Janina u bë pre e sulmeve të bashkësisë shqiptare të malakasëve. Nën komandën e Gjin Fratit këta e sulmuan kështjellën më së pari në vitin 1377, por pa mundur ta merrnin atë. Dy vjet më vonë, më 1379 malakasët arritën të zinin ishullin në liqen si dhe kullën e brendshme të kështjellës së Janinës. Kësaj radhe në anë të tyre qëndronin edhe pjesëtarë të parisë vendase, përfshi mitropolitin Mateo, përkrahës i Gjin Bua Shpatës. Por edhe kësaj radhe shqiptarët dështuan në qëllimin e tyre. Mungesa e mjeteve të mjaftueshme ua bëri atyre të pamundur që të shpërthenin muret e kështjellës, qoftë nga toka e qoftë nga liqeni. Mitropoliti Mateo u detyrua të linte Janinën bashkë me të tjerë dhe të strehohej te Gjin Bua Shpata.

Krahas despotit serb të Janinës, formacioni i Shpatajve të Artës u fut në këtë kohë në një konflikt të ashpër me anzhuinët e Napolit, të cilët qysh prej një shekulli vazhdonin të ngulnin këmbë në pretendimet e tyre mbi bregdetin epirot. Ky konflikt u shpreh më së pari në përleshjet e armatosura me forcat e kontit Leonard Toko, që sundonte mbi ishujt e Qefalonisë e Leukadës si vasal i mbretëreshës Xhovana të Napolit. Dokumentet e kohës informojnë se qysh në vitin 1360 "konti i Qefalonisë bënte luftë të madhe me Despotatin e arbërve". Në vitet që pasuan ndeshja me anzhuinët u ndez edhe më keq. Në vitin 1378 mbretëresha e Napolit organizoi një fushatë të madhe për asgjësimin e Despotatit shqiptar të Artës. Bërthama e ushtrisë së grumbulluar prej saj përbëhej nga Urdhri i Joanitëve të Rodit, një formacion i famshëm për bëmat e tij luftarake, që ishte futur në shërbim të anzhuinëve të Napolit.Ekspedita anzhuine filloi me marrjen e Naupaktit (Lepantos), kështjella më jugore e Shpatajve, e vendosur mbi bregun verior të gjirit të Korintit. Prej këndej ajo përparoi drejt veriut e brenda pak kohe qendra e Despotatit shqiptar, Arta, u ndodh nën rrethimin e ushtrisë napolitane. Gjatë betejës vendimtare që u zhvillua nën muret e Artës, despoti Gjin Bua Shpata korri një fitore të madhe. Vetë kryekomandanti i ekspeditës anzhuine, Mjeshtri i Madh Huan Fernandez Heredia i Urdhrit të Joanitëve, u zu rob prej shqiptarëve.Në pranverë të po atij viti, Gjin Bua Shpata fitimtar mbi anzhuinët, rifilloi sulmet sistematike mbi Janinën. Thoma Preljuboviçi kësaj radhe gjeti një aleat të fuqishëm kundër shqiptarëve te turqit osmanë, të cilët kishin filluar të vendoseshin në Thesalinë fqinje. Disa herë brenda viteve 1380-1384 reparte osmane, të thirrura nga Thomai, kryen inkursione shkatërruese në zotërimet e Gjin Bua Shpatës e në ato të Gjon Zenebishit, duke lehtësuar presionin e tyre mbi Janinën. Me ndihmën e osmanëve, despoti Thoma pushtoi përkohësisht një numër fshatrash rreth Janinës si dhe kështjellën e Paramithisë (Shën Donatit). Gjithsesi, tirani i Janinës ra pre e një komploti dhe, i urryer nga të gjithë, vdiq në dhjetor 1384. Në vend të tij paria e Janinës e mbreti serb i Thesalisë, Joazaf, thirri e vuri italianin Izau Buondelmonte Açajuolin, kunat i kontit Leonard Toko të Qefalonisë. Ky gëzonte njëherësh mbështetjen e perandorit të Bizantit, të Venedikut, Firences dhe të Mbretërisë së Napolit. Marrëdhëniet e shqiptarëve me Despotatin e Janinës mbetën të tendosura edhe në kohën e sundimit të Izaut, ndonëse aty nga viti 1394, ky mori për grua të bijën e Gjin Shpatës, Irenën, i nxitur edhe nga arkondët e qytetit. Inkursionet e reparteve osmane, të thirrura nga despoti i ri i Janinës, vazhduan edhe paskëtaj, madje për të siguruar mbështetjen më të madhe të sulltanit osman, despoti Izau u shpall vasal i tij (1387). Ndërkohë mbi Despotatin shqiptar të Artës qenë intensifikuar edhe sulmet e kontit të Qefalonisë Karl Tokos, nip i Izaut.

Në rrethana të tilla të vështira, më 29 tetor të vitit 1399 vdiq despoti Gjin Bua Shpata "burrë i fuqishëm, i admirueshëm e lavdi e Arbërisë”, siç e quan atë një kronikë e kohës. Me emrin e tij është e lidhur periudha më e lulëzuar e historisë së Despotatit shqiptar të Artës. Zotërimet e Shpatajve u ndanë midis të afërme të tij, që shpeshherë ishin në armiqësi e mëri me njëri-tjetrin. Një mëri e tillë ekzistonte dhe midis Muriq Shpatës dhe Sguro Bua Shpatës, që qeveriste zotërimet jugore të Shpatajve.. Si vëlla i Gjinit, këtij i takonte të ishte trashëgimtar i ligjshëm i fronit. Por Muriqi, i ri dhe ambicioz, mundi ta mënjanojë kushëririn e tij plak dhe të marrë në dorë drejtimin e principatës.
Me ardhjen në pushtet vëmendja e Shpatës së ri u zhvendos nga Lindja, ku despotët e Janinës dhe osmanët e Thesalisë kishin qenë kujdesi kryesor i paraardhësit të tij të madh. Me komandantët osmanë të Thesalisë Muriqi nuk e pati të vështirë të gjente një modus vivendi, sidomos pas katastrofës që sulltan Bajaziti pësoi nga mongolët e Timurlengut në betejën e Ankarasë (1402). U shtensionuan edhe marrëdhëniet me despotin Ezau të Janinës, që ishte njerk i Muriqit dhe që për më tepër kërkoi dorën e vajzës së Muriqit për djalin e tij të lindur nga martesa me shqiptaren Evdoqia Balsha, vajzë e Gjergjit I Balsha.
Në këtë mënyrë vëmendja e Muriq Shpatës u përqendrua nga rreziku që i vinte zotërimeve të tij nga konti i Qefalonisë Karl Tokoja. Për sa kohë në krye të principatës kishte qenë Gjin Bua Shpata, Tokoja kishte dalë gjithnjë i mundur nga ballafaqimi me shqiptarët. Këta, madje, ishin në gjendje të organizonin me anije sulme mbi ishujt e tij të Qefalonisë dhe Leukadës, gjë që e kishte shtyrë kontin të kërkonte ndihmën e Napolit e të Venedikut.
Por në vitet e para të sundimit të Muriq Shpatës, raporti i forcave paraqitej i ndryshuar në favor të Tokos. Grindjet dhe pakënaqësitë ndaj sundimtarit të ri të Artës shtynë mjaft feudalë shqiptarë dhe krerë bashkësish nga Parga, Paramithia, Margëlliçi e Janina (përfshirë bashkësitë e mëdha të mazrekëve e malakasëve) të dorëzoheshin përpara dhuratave dhe premtimeve që u drejtoi atyre me bollëk konti Karl Toko. Në këtë mënyrë, me një ushtri, lulen e së cilës e përbënin luftëtarët shqiptarë, ku shquheshin vëllezërit Muriq e Dhimo Bua, si dhe me ndihmën e një flote të ofruar nga mbreti i Napolit, Karl Tokoja, filloi t'i rrëmbejë Muriq Shpatës njërin zotërim pas tjetrit. Si pasardhës i kontëve nga familja Orsini të Qefalonisë, ai pretendonte të bëhej, ashtu siç qenë bërë ata një shekull më parë, despot i krejt Epirit.

Në këtë mënyrë, me luftë dhe më shumë me dredhi, Karl Tokoja u rrëmbeu Shpatajve një sërë kështjellash, fillimisht në jug të gjirit të Artës, si Katohinë, Varnakun, Kandilen, Anatolikon e Dragomestin (1401-1404). Prej këndej ai filloi sulmet dhe plaçkitjet në territorin e Angjelokastrë s e të Artës. Shumë shpejt Muriq Shpata u detyrua të lëshojë kështjellat e Riniasës e Ajtoit, që siguronin mbrojtjen e Artës. Gjatë një beteje me forcat e Tokos, u plagos rëndë e më tej vdiq edhe vëllai i legjendarit Gjin Bua Shpata, Sguroj, i cili të paktën në çastet e fundit gjeti ngushëllim kur pa se Muriq Shpata me forcat e tij po vraponte t'i vinte në ndihmë. I biri i Sguros, Pal Shpata, në pamundësi t'i ruante zotërimet që i la i ati në jug të gjirit të Artës, nxitoi t'ia ofrojë ato Venedikut. Më 1402 ai i propozoi këtij lëshimin e kështjellës së rëndësishme bregdetare të Lepantos si dhe vetë kryeqendrën e vet, Angjelokastrë n. Ndërsa mori në dorëzim të parën (1407), kundrejt një shpërblimi, Republika e Venedikut u mor vesh me Karl Tokon që e dyta, Angjelokastra, t'i kalonte këtij të fundit (1408). Në këtë mënyrë Shpatajt humbën përfundimisht zotërimet në jug të gjirit të Artës, në Etoli e në Akarnani.

Në kushtet e dobësimit e të përçarjes së krerëve shqiptarë, konti Karl Toko nuk e pati të vështirë të zinte vendin e despotit Ezau të Janinës, kur ky i fundit vdiq (1411). Krahas elementëve të parisë së qytetit, ku u shqua greku Simon Stratigopulos dhe dhëndri i tij, serbi Stefan Vojsllavi, dorëzimin e Janinës në duar të Karl Tokos e përkrahën edhe mjaft krerë e bashkësi shqiptare, brenda e jashtë qytetit, të cilët ai i kishte joshur me dhurata e premtime. Tashmë i pafuqishëm ndaj ngjitjes së rivalit të tij, Muriq Shpata nuk qe në gjendje të shfrytëzonte momentin e favorshëm pas thyerjes së ushtrive të Tokos nga Gjon Zenebishi në betejën e Kranesë, afër Mesopotamit (1411). Më 1415 ai vdiq, duke ia lënë barrën e drejtimit, të asaj që kishte mbetur nga Principata e dikurshme e Gjin Bua Shpatës, vëllait të tij, Jakupit, që kishte kaluar në fenë islame.
Jakupi tregoi që në fillim një dinamizëm e trimëri që s'e kishin karakterizuar vëllanë e tij. Me të u bashkuan mjaft edhe nga krerët apo bashkësitë shqiptare që ishin hedhur në anën e Karl Tokos, siç qe,, prijësi i shquar Muriq Bua.
Në pamundësi për ta thyer sundimtarin e ri shqiptar në fushë të hapur, Karl Tokoja i përgatiti atij një pritë në kështjellën e Vombljanës, afër Artës. I ftuar nga kështjellari i saj, njeri i Karl Tokos, gjoja për ta marrë në dorëzim kështjellën, Jakup Shpata u sulmua tradhtisht nga forcat e Tokos ndërsa u qe afruar me trupat e tij mureve të saj. Jakupi vdiq me shpatë në dorë mes luftëtarëve të tij. Me vrasjen e tij u shënua dhe fati i Artës dhe i gjithë zotërimit të Shpatajve. Më 4 tetor 1416 Karl Tokoja hyri në Artë. Pinjollët e fundit të Shpatajve ose pranuan të hyjnë në shërbim të Karl Tokos, ose emigruan drejt Moresë dhe ishujve të Jonit..