Begzad BALIU, Gustav Majer dhe albanologjia.

Prof. dr. Jup Kastrati



Begzad BALIU, Gustav Majer dhe albanologjia.
(Botohet me rastin e 100-vjetorit të vdekjes), “Shpresa”, Prishtinë, 2000, 160 faqe.


Vepra hapet me një parathënie titulluar “Rikthimi i Gustav Majerit në studimet albanologjike”: “Përvjetori i një studiuesi zakonisht hap shumë rrugë për t’u kujtuar jeta dhe vepra e tij. Në përvjetorët e studiuesve të njohur zakonisht botohen veprat e tyre origjinale, botohen të përkthyera veprat e veçanta, sidomos kompletet e tyre. Botohen monografi të veçanta për jetën e tyre por edhe emërtohen institucione dhe rrugë me emrin e tyre. Përvjetorët e tillë, sidomos përvjetorët e veçantë, siç është 100-vjetori i vdekjes së Gustav Majerit, shërbejnë për të përmbledhur gjithë atë ç’është mbërritur në fushë të studimeve dhe ç’mund të bëhet edhe më tutje në shenjë të veprave të autorëve të mëdhej.
Përvjetori i 100-të i vdekjes së Gustav Majerit, është i veçantë për disa arsye: Mbi 150-vjet të lindjes dhe 100-vjet pas vdekjes së Gustav Majerit, ende nuk është botuar vepra e tij kurorë “Fjalori etimologjik i gjuhës shqipe”. Ky është fjalori i par ë etimologjik i gjuhës shqipe, njëri prej fjalorëve të parë etimologjik për gjuhët e Evropës, dhe fjalori më i rëndësishëm i gjuhës shqipe deri në gjysmën e dytë të shekullit XX. Pra, për më shumë se gjysmë shekulli, ende nuk është botuar vepra e tij e plotë. Gustav Majeri është themeluesi shekncor i albanistikës, por ende nuk është botuar një monografi, qoftë edhe vulgare a e përgjithësuar. Gustav Majeri është jo vetëm studiusi më serioz i studimeve albanologjike, një prej themeluesve të studimeve ballkanologjike, njëri prej studiuesve më të mëdhenjë të studimeve indoevropiane, por edhe një prej gjenive më të mëdhenjë të gjysmës së dytë të shekullit XIX në fushë të gjuhësisë. Për veprën e tij ende nuk është shkruar ndonjë monografi shkencore, e cila do të ishte një pasqyrë e plotë e kontributit të tij dhënë shkencës së albanistikës, edhe pse vepra e tij, sidomos “Fjalori etimologjik i gjuhës shqipe”, fjalë për fjalë është përvijuar në “Studime etimologjike në fushë të shqipes” të Eqrem Çabejt. Nuk është ndriqyar ende interesimii tij i veçantë për çështjen kombëtare shqiptare. Ende nuk është botuar letërkëmbimi i tij i plotë me studiues dhe përsonalitetet më të shquara shqiptare të kohës edhe pse disa përpjekje janë bërë, sidomos duke e botuar një pjesë të mirë të letërkëmbimit të tij me Jorenim De Radën, me Ndre Mjeden dhe me një numër të konsiderueshëm përsinalitetetsh nga arbëreshët e Italisë. Pra, ende nuk e kemi një pasqyrë të qartë për rolin e Gustav Majerit në Lëvizjen Kombëtare Shqiptare, në lëvizjen kulturore, arsimore dhe shkencore të shqiptarëve dhe ndikimin shembulor që ka pasur në disa nga përsonalitetet më të rëndësishme të kohës, sikur ishin: Jorenim de Rada, Zef Skiroi, Dora D’Istria, Ndre Mjedja, Konstandin Kristoforidhi etj.
Ky vëllim i Begzad Baliut synon një pikë: Gustav Majerin dhe rezultatet e veprës së tij në studimet albanologjike. Pra, jeta dhe vepra (bibliografia) e tij, horizonti i pritjes në studimet albanologjike (ku synohet të bëhet një hyrje në paraqitjen e Majerit në studimet shqiptare), pikëpamjet e Eqrem Çabejt për veprën e tij, vendin e Majerit në historinë e gjuhës shqipe, kontributin e Gustav Majerit dhënë studimeve albanologjike dhe vendin e tij të parë në kontekst të albanologëve të huaj në veçanti etj. Këtë vëllim e përbëjnë artikutj që i lidhë një element i përbashkët: Majerin dhe veprën e tij në studimet albanologjike dhe synon një prani të tij konkrete në jetën tonë shkencore dhe kulturore, në nivel të vendit që zë ai dhe vepra e tij në studimet albanologjike.
Më shumë sesa elementet e theksuara më lart, artikujt e zgjedhur dhe letërkëmbimi gjithashtu i zgjedhur i Majerit, botohen në shenjë të përvjetorit të tij.
Teksti i punimit të Begzad Baliut shtrihet brenda faqeve 11-141. Hapet me kreun “Studimet gjuhësore në Evropë dhe albanologjia”. Si nënkapitull është “Kontributi i studiuesve gjermanë për studimet albanologjike” (11-15). Autori thekson: “Shkolla gjermane, që ka arritjet më të suksesëshme në fushë të albanologjisë dhe njëri prej studiuesve më të shquar nga kjo shkollë, Gustav Majeri, janë të lidhura ngushtë me fillimet e albanologjisë, me studimet e saj më të rëndësishme në të gjitha kohërat, me themelimin e albanologjisë si shkencë, dhe me shkallën më të lartë të studimeve të saj në ditët tona. Jepet një panoramë e ngjedhur e studiuesve gjermanë dhe austriakë, që u morën me gjuhën shqipe, me historinë dhe etnografinë e popullit shqiptar: Arnold von Harff-i (1497), Konrad von Gesner (1555), Andrea Muller(1680), Gottfried Wilhelm Leibnitz (1705-1715), Johan Gotfrid Fon Herder (1744- 1803), Johan Erih Tunman (1746-1778), Johan Christoph Adelung (1809), Christian Gottlieb von Arndt (1818), J. A. G. Schmidt (1822), Johann Severin Vater (1822), Karl August Anton Alfons Joseph Ritter von Xylander(1835), Hohann Georg von H ahn (1853/1854), Jakob Filip Falmerajer (1790-1860), Teodor Mommsen (1817-1903), Norbert Jokl (1917), Maksimilian Lamberc (1948), Paul Kreçmer (1886-1956), Hansjorg Frommer (1939), Peter Robert Franke (1926), Herman M. Ölbergu, Vilfred Fidler e Oda Buchholz (1987) Norbert Boretzky (1968).
Në kreun: “Shkollat gjuhësore dhe albanologjia” (16-21) studiuesi ynë i sotëm flet shkurt për dijetarët P. S. Pallas (1741-1911), J. K. Adelung(1732-1806), Rasmus Rasku, (1787-1832), Franc Bopp (1791-1867), J. Grim, A. Vostokov, V. Humbold, A. Shlajher (1821-1868), J. Shmid (1843-1901), G. Stieri(1862), W. Meyer –Lübke (1861-1936), Albert Thumbi (1865-1915), Franc Mikloshiç (1871), Karl Brugman (1849-1919), Herman Hirt (1927-1937), H. Shuhard (1842-1928), Mateo Bartoli (1873-1946), Giulio Bonfante (1972), Vittore Pizani(1969), Begzad Baliu e mbyll këtë kapitull me këtë mendim të tij: “Deri në gjysmën e dytë të shekullit XX studimet gjermane jo vetëm që avansojnë të parat në studimet albanologjike, por edhe në Evropë dhe në shtetet ballkanike në gjuhën gjermane do të shkruahen pjesa më e madhe e studimeve për ballkanistiken në përgjithësi dhe për albanologjinë në veçanti.
Ndonëse më pak dhe në një shkallë kryesisht krahasimi, gjuha shqipe ishte objekt shyrtimi edhe i shkollave dhe drejtimeve, të cilat kishin një numër të vogël përfaqësuesish, të cilat kishin një ndikim më të kufizuar në gjuhësinë e përgjithëshme dhe të cilat funksionuan në një kohë të caktuar. Në krahasim me të gjitha shkollat dhe me drejtimet gjuhësore, shkolla gjermane në shumë aspekte ka nxitur mendime të reja për hulumtimin e gjuhës shqipe, ka vënë themele fillestare për studimet albanologjike, ka caktuar drejtimet themelore të studimeve albanologjike, ka përmbysur teori rrënuese për gjuhën shqipe dhe, shpesh, edhe për çështjen ekzistenciale të popullit shqiptar, ka caktuar kufijtë fundamental të gjumë probelmeve, gjuhësore, historike dhe kulturore të gjuhës shqipe e të popullit shqiptar, dhe, më në fund, ka caktuar shkencërisht fatin historik dhe etnokuluror të etnisë shqiptare”.
Studimi i albanologut të shquar austriak fillon në faqen 23: “Gustav Majer dhe horizonti i pritjes në shkencën shqiptare” (25-37). Është një kapitull me interes dhe me vlerë, shkruar me kompetencë profesionale, mbi bazën e një literature të gjerë burimore dhe informative të saktë. Sipas Begzad Baliut “jeta dhe vepra e Gustav Majerit, edhe një shekull pas vdekjes së tij, ende nuk është bërë objekt studimi në shkallën që ajo e meriton të studiohet. Shënimet, artikujt dhe studimet e deritanishme dëshmojnë se themeluesi i albanologjisë, Gustav Majeri, ende nuk është i njohur sa duhet as si personalitet i gjithanshëm, as për të bëmat e tij për popullin shqiptar dhe gjuhën e tij, prandaj është e kuptueshme pse në bibliografinë e tij nuk janë shënuar të gjitha ato elemente themelore, të cilat do ta rrumbullaksonin plotësisht jetën dhe veprën e tij.
Për jetën e tij ende nuk kemi monografi të veçantë, kurse një pjesë e aktivitetit të tij për shqiptarët ende nuk na është e njohur. E megjithatë në artikujt, vështrimet, studimet shkencore dhe paraqitjet vulgare të shkruara për veprën e Majerit dhe temat që lidhen me veprën e tij, autorët shqiptarë apo të huaj, janë përpjekur të paraqesin biografinë e tij jetësore dhe bibliografinë e tij shkencore, lidhjet e tij kulturore, shkencore dhe politike me studiues shqiptar e të huaj”.
Duke u mbështetir në zërat dhe treguesit e veprës së Palok Dakës, “Bibliografi retrospective e gjuhësisë dhe e onomastikës shqiptare (1879-1944), Begzad Baliu ka shënuar në mënyrë të ngjeshur emrat e atyre që e kanë përmendur ose kanë shkruar për Gustav Majerin, pak ose shumë, mirë apo keq, me objektivitet shkencor apo jo, drejtpërdrejt për të ose në mënyrë anësore. Ja konkretisht ata që folën, që diskutuan apo që shkruan për albanologun më të madh të shekullit XIX: Michele Calvosa(1883), Adolf Bauer (1898), Asdreni (=Aleksandër S. Drenova) (1901), Albert Thumb(1901), Bogdan P. Haºdeu (1901), Ndre Mjedja (1902), Anselmo Lorecchio (1904), Anton Xanoni (1909), Aleksandër Xhuvani (1911, 1921), Kristo Dako (1917), Pashko Bardhi (1920, 1922), Kristo Floqi (1920), Petro Vullkani (1922), Stanisllav Brandejs (19230, Faik Konica (1923), Glottofil (=pseudonim) (1928), Treml Lajos (1928), Jacepo Gelli (1929), Marin Sirdani (1931), Mustafa Kruja (1938), Namik Ressuli (1940), Norbert Jokl (1943), Jup Kastrati (1980), Eqrem Çabej (1976, 1977), Shaban Demiraj (1985). Begzad Baliu përfundon kapitullin në fjalë me këtë kritikë të drejtë: “Deri më 1995, në asnjërin nga artikujt e botuar gjatë këtyre pesëdhjetë vjetëve të fundit, nuk është shënuar se Gustav Majeri, nuk ishte vetëm mik i rilindësve shqiptarë, por edhe më shumë se kaq, ai ishte mik i çiltërt i popullit shqiptar, dhe këtë e ka dëshmuar edhe me letrat që ua kishte dërguar sulltanëve të kohës, për lejimin e shkollave shqipe për shqiptarët. “Gustav Majeri ishte mik i veçantë i shqiptarëve, cilësi kjo e cila personaliteteve të huaja u mbiçmohet në këtë vëllim (Fjalori enciklopedik shqiptar –J.K), madje edhe atëherë kur këtë e meritojnë më së paku.
Në paragrafin “Pikëpamjet e Gustav Mejerit për letërsinë e shkruar” (fq. 37-39), B. Baliu citon emrat e Rexhep Qosjes, Anton N. Berishes, Robert Elsiesë dhe të Namik resulit që kanë përmendur ndihmesat e albanologut të madh për letërsinë e shkruar. Në paragrafin e shkruar prej dhjetë rreshtash (39-40) flitet për “Botimin e letërsisë popullore shqiptare” nga ana e Gustav majerit. Një paragraph i veçantë titullohet “Kontributi i Gustav Majerit në fushë të gjuhësisë” (40-42). Më shumë se në fushë të letërsisë së shkruar dhe të folklorit, -thekson B. Baliu- ndihmesa e Gustav Majerit është parë kryesisht në fushë të gjuhësisë. Për mëse një shekull nuk ka asnjë fushë të historiesë së gjuhës shqipe në të cilën nuk është përmendur emri i tij dhe që nuk është shkruar për ndihmesën e Gustav Majerit. Duke filluar nga artikujt gjuhësorë për prejardhjen e popullit shqiptar e të gjuhës shqipe e deri te studimet etimologjike që kulmojnë me Norbert Joklin e Eqrem Çabejn, Shaban Demirajn, Jup Kastratin, Kolec Topallin etj., vepra e tij përbën bazën themelore për hulumtimin diakronik dhe sinkronik të shqipes. Mirëpo, me gjithë praninë e veprës së tij në shtrirje kohore për mëse një shekull, ndihmesa e tij është parë kryesisht përmes artikujve përgjithësues dhe as sot e kësaj dite ende nuk është botuar ndonjë monografi e veçantë për ndihmesën e tij në fushë të studimeve albanologjike, as ndonjë nga veprat e tij të shumta, përveç disa fragmenteve të caktuara.
“Botimi i letërkëmbimit të Gustav Majerit” (fq. 42-46) formon një paragraph të veçantë në librin e B. Baliut. “Ndryshe nga interesimi i studiuesve për botimin e veprave të tij, interesimi posaçërisht i madh ka qenë për botimin, madje edhe ribotimin e letërkëmbimit të tij, shpesh me komente dhe sqarime hyrëse, me rilindësit shqiptarë”. Në referencat apo fusnotat autori ynë ka përmendur kontributet e studiuesve tanë që janë marrë me epistolarin e albanologut më të madh të shekullit XIX: Jup Kastrati, Shimitër S. Shuteriqi, Mentor Quku, Mahir Domi. “Pavarësisht nga botimiet e deritashme, -shkruan B. Baliu - nga studiuesit dhe hulumtuesit e letërkëmbimit të Majerit me bashkëkohësit shqiptarë, vërehet se botimi i letrave të tij nuk ka përfunduar. Vetyëm viteve të fundit një hulumtues i pasionuar i arkivave, Albert Rama, ka njoftuar se në bashkëpunim me Universitetin e Gracit është duke përgatitur letërkëmbimin e plotë të Gustav Majerit me rilindasit shqiptarë. Brenda faqeve 46-52 është botuar bibliografia e Gustav Majerit, mbështetur te Fritz Frhr. Lochner Huttenbac.
Një vend të veçantë Begzad Baliu u ka kushtuar pikëpamjeve të profesor Çabejt për veprën gjuhësore të Gustav Majerit (fq. 53-54). Në një paragraph për flet për personalitetin e tij (fq. 55-56). Ndjekin apo pasojnë këto çështje të tjera: Shqipja, gjuhë indoevropiane (fq.56-59), Prejardhja e popullit shqiptar dhe e gjuhës shqipe (fq.59-63), Mardhëniet e shqipe me gjuhët e tjera (fq.63-66), Historia e dialekteve të shqipes (fq.66-68), Themeluesi i fonetikës historike të shqipes (fq.68-70), Autori i fjalor të parë etimologjik të shqipes (fq.71-78), Parashtesat dhe prapashtesat (fq. 78-79). Përfundime (fq.80-82).
Kapitulli “Albanologët e huaj në prizmin e përvjetorit të Gustav Majerit: Një përvjetor i veçantë dhe një shpërblim i vonuar” (fq.83-84) bënë fjalë për Konferencën shkencore “Kontributi i albanologëve të huaj për studimin e gjuhës shqipe”, që u organizua në Universitetin e Shkodrës “Luigj Gurakuqi, më 14 dhjetor 1995, me rastin e 145-vjetorit të lindjes së Gustav Majerit. David Luka mbajti kumtesën: “Gustav Majeri më i madhi albanolog i kohës së vet”.(84-85), ndërsa Kolec Topalli lexoi kumtesën: “Kontributi i Gustav Majerit për fonetikën historike të gjuhës shqipe në optikën e studimeve bashkëkohore” (fq. 85-86), Begzad Baliu bën të ditur për kujtesën shkencore që organizoi Dega e Folklorit e Institutit Albanologjik të Prishtinës, më 1997. Jepet një përmbledhje e kumtesave dhe e diskutimeve të mbajtura në këtë tubim diturak nga Latif Mulaku, Zymer Neziri, Ruzhdi Ushaku, Muhamet Pirraku, Enver mehmeti, Rexhep Doçi, Faik Shkodra, Leontina Gega, Muzafere Mustafa, Begzad Baliu, Abdullah Zymberi, Bahtijar Kryeziu, Arbnora Dushi, Hatixhe Hoxha, Adem Zejnullahu, Jahir Ahmeti, Lumnije Kulinxha –Kadriu, Diskutimet e Shefki Sejdiut, Ruzhdi Ushakut, Rexhep Doçit, Rrustem Berisha, Latif Mulaku. Të gjitha kumtesat dhe diskutimet e sesionit shkencor të 15 dhjetorit 1997, janë përmbledhur në vëllimin “Rëndësia e veprës së Gustav Majerit për studimet albanologjike», Instituti Albanologjik i Prishtinës, 1998, 215 faqe.
Në fund të monografisë së vet, B. Baliu ka vendosur këto shtesa: Gustav Majer: Shqiptarët dhe gjuha e tyre (fq. 127-132), Nga letërkëmbimi i Gustav Majerit (fq.133-140), me këto shënime në reference: “PërveÇ letrës së Konstantin Kristoforidhit, të gjitha letrat tjera i ka përkthyer prof. dr. Jup Kastrati”. Poezia “Gjuhës shqipe”, fragment shkruar nga Ernest Koliqi, mbyll librin në fjalë (fq. 141). Brenda faqeve 143-149 ka dy rezyme, përkthyer nga teuta Abrashi, praj gjuhës shqipe në gjermanisht. Treguesi i emrave (fq. 151-156) mbyll monografinë.
Ky studim monografik, hartuar nga Begzad Baliu, karakterizohet për disa veçori dalluese: Është ndërtuar mirë nga ana kompozicionale dhe tematike. Është zbatuar një metodë e qartë. Gjuha e tekstit është e kuptueshme dhe komunikuese me lexuesin. Punimi ka burime të shumta. Literatura shkencore e shfrytëzuar është e lexueshme. Për herë të parë në studimet tona gjuhësore realizohet një monografi e tillë për albanologun më të madh të shekullit XIX, Gustav Majerin. Punimi çel shtigje të reja gjurmimesh për këtë dijetar të shquar.

Kodet e dasmës

Kodet e dasmës

nga : Fejzulla Gjabri

Të para si shenja, pra si shenja që tregojnë për një ndryshim në njërën nga familjet e grupi shoqëror (fisi a fshati), kodet luajnë rol komunikues me rrethin shoqëror. të që Kodet e dasmës janë të dukshme, po që duhen vënë re. Zakonisht kodet e dasmës nuk ndryshojnë shumë nga zona në zonë. Megjithatë kjo duhet pranuar në konceptin e fjalës dasëm, pasi dasma është shfaqje e kulturës së një populli, që ka të përbashkëtat dhe veçantitë mes krahinave.

Përbashkësitë

Zjarri

Kodi më i hershëm është zjarri mitik. Zjarri është përdorur jo vetëm si mjëet i nevojshëm e i domosdoshëm në zhvillimin e jetës njerëzore, po edhe për t'u mbrojtur. Kështu, në lashtësi ai është përdorur për t'u mbrojtur nga kafshët e egra, ndërsa deri vonë është përdorur për të ruajtur pronat nga grabitësit, qofshin këta edhe kafshë. Kështu, ndizej zjarr në stane. Për të mos u afruar ujku në vathën e bagëtive, ndizej zjarr pak metra larg vathës. Gjithashtu ndizej zjarr në arat larg fshatit (zakonisht kur të mbjellat ishin misër), për t'i ruajtur nga vjetulla. Zjarri ndizej (edhe ndizet) për Ditën e Verës, për të djegë të këqiat etj. Shenjat e zjarrit mitik kanë ardhë deri në dasëm, bile, në fillesën e saj, kur shkuesi
(ndërmjetësi), kërkon të bashkojë dy familje miqësisht. Atëherë, ai merr mashën e zjarrit dhe përzien prushin, ashtu qetë - qetë, pa ba za.
Pasi mbaron këtë
punë, të cilën e kupton i zoti i shtëpisë, sqaron: "Filani, kërkon të bashkojë zjarrmin me ty". Edhe më vonë, kur vijnë rrethi shoqëror për urim, i thonë të atit të vajzës: "A e përziet zjarrmin me filanin?". Pastaj bëjnë urimin: "E marrtë hajrin mbrapa", ose "Qoftë miqësia e mbarë, të trashëgohen", etj. Siç shihet, shkuesi ka
simbolikën e vet: Përzierjen e zjarrit me mashë, ku masha është vetë shkuesi. Urimet janë gjithmonë formuluese. Ato vazhdojnë në dy familjet, në atë të djalit dhe të vajzës.



Si kod komunikues familje - shoqëri, është kënga. Ka patur raste të shtime me pushkë, po edhe shtimi i dritave (të llampës me vajguri më parë) e mbajtja e tyre ndezur gjithë natën. Në fshatin Buzëmadhe, për shembull, ishte vendi i caktuar ku shtihej pushkë kur zihej nuse, që edhe sot i thonë atij vendi "Të zanë nuse".

Lëvizjet dhe dritat
Si mjet tjetër komunikimi, një njoftim jo me gjuhë, po me "paragjuhësi" me shenja (senua) janë edhe lëvizja e njerëzve të shtëpisë nëpër oborr, pra një gjallërim jo i zakontë, i shprehur me shqetësim të gëzuar. Kësisoj ato përgatiten për të pritur e
përcjellë shoqërinë, miqtë e të afërmit. Ky shqetësim i gëzuar ndihet më i qartë te fëmijët. Ata nuk e përmbajnë veten, vetë gëzimin dhe janë të parët, që komunikojnë tashmë me gjuhë me moshatarët e tyre për gëzimin familjar. Zakonisht, bagëtitë i ruajnë fëmijët, po kur janë edhe të rriturit, në mbrëmje i sjellin më herët. Edhe në këtë mënyrë shoqëria, marrin vesh se diçka ka, e nga interesimi, mësojnë se filani ka zanë nuse. Pas shumë shenjave vijnë edhe ahengxhinjtë. Gjithësesi, një dasëm e vogël.

Simbolika e pajës






Paja është pjesa materiale e dasmës (mes familjeve, po edhe nuse -dhëndër). Është dita e veçantë dërgimi i pajës (teshave, rrobave) që në fakt janë rroba që janë përgatitur nga shtëpia e dhëndërrit për t'i dërguar në shtëpinë e nuses e që do kthejnë prapë në shtëpinë e çiftit. Ato duken se janë për ditë dasme, pasi janë të zbukuruara, kali që i mban është me lule a me ngjyra të ndezura. Pra, një kod më
vetë dita e dërgimit të teshave, pajës. Veç këngëve, të cilat janë të veçanta, ku edhe lavdërohet nusja po edhe shahet, ajo merr rëndësi ekspozimi. (Ekspozim, vënie në mur). Në këtë mënyrë, paja kryen dy funksione: funksionin denotimor (përdorues) dhe funksionin konotimor (komunikues) , tamam si një objekt arkitekture. Gjatë kohës
së ekspozimit, ajo humbet funksionin përdorues (denotimor). për t'i funksionuar i dyti, komunikues. kështu, ekspozimi komunikon me punën e madhe dhe vlerat artistike të qëndismave, të punës me tezgjah, si sixhade dhe qilima e të tjera.

Ky funksion, (ekspozim), pas pak ditësh a muajsh, ia lëshon vendin funksionit tjetër perdorues (nevojës, denotimues). Po prapë më vonë, ndoshta pas vitesh luan prapë rol konotimus, si model për t'u transmetuar në objekte të reja, për t'u ekspozuar si kulturë materiale në ruajtje si kujtim, si dhuratë apo edhe në muze.
Gjithësesi, vlera e kulturës materiale transmetohet si kulturë jo vetëm personale, po edhe si kolektive. Ornamentet në qëndizma, në qilima e sixhade, kanë kaluar në praktikë si "sixhade Lume", Jelek Prizreni, brez Dibre etj.

Nëpër këngë e rite, nëpër biseda e veprime, ka disa shenjtërime:
shamia e bardhë (që e le shkuesi), shenjat (materiale që i çohen
nuses pas fejesës, ndërmjet kryesoreve unaza), kulaçi që e ze halla
(në këngë: "Çohu hallë e na ze farë"), mbetet i shenjtë ceremoniali
i hyrjes së dhëndrit në kurë (dhomën e vet), mbeten shumë gjurmë të
herëshme e të vona.

Goditja e dhëndrrit

Hyrja e dhëndërrit në kurë, ka simbolikën e goditjes me dorë në
shpinë të tij. Dhëndërri bën sikur s'do me hy në dhomën ku është
nusja. Është momenti më prekës, fundja kurorëzimi i gjithë dasmës,
pika kulmore e saj. Rreshtohen më të afërmit për të përcjellë
dhëndërrin për në dhomën e tij dhe i fundit përgatitet për ta
goditur dhe e godet në shpinë. Goditja e dhëndërrit është shumë e
herëshme. Për këtë motiv, të cilin profesor E.Çabej e gjen në
Gjirokastër, shprehet: "Ky zakon na kujton një tepricë (mbetje
tradite - F.Gj.) të natës Polter, të popujve hindogermanë.
(Në "Yllyria", 18 kallnuer 1936). Mbeten mjaft gjurmë të tjera, po
mbi të gjitha mbetet detyrimi që kanë fisi e rrethi shoqëror
(mëhalla e fshati) për të nxjerrë dasmën faqebardhë. Në dasëm, ky
rreth shoqëror i len hallet e veta, i lenë punët e veta të
përgjithëshme të paktën tri ditë. Në këto ditë, ato
jetojnë me dasmën, vihen në shërbim të saj, të familjes, të
dhëndrrit e të nuses, të dajave e miqve, se "dasma është e shokëve".
Puna dhe kënga ndjekin radhën e veprimeve.

Lotët

Nga kjo rradhë veprimesh shkëpusim momentin e ndarjes së vajzës -
nuse nga prindërit, që në palën tjetër është bamja dhandërr i
dhëndërrit. Është momenti i lotëve në shtëpinë e vajzës - nuse, po
edhe në shtëpinë e djalit - dhëndërr. Zakonisht lotët derdhen në
shtëpinë e djalit - dhëndërr, kur berberi heq flokët, pra kur ulet
në një vend të dukshëm i rrethuar nga motrat dhe moshatarët, nëna,
vëllezërit dhe më të afërtit. Lotët vijnë nga këngët që këndojnë
vajzat. Janë momente ndarje edhe për djalin, ashtu edhe për vajzën.
Pothuajse lotët janë të njëkohëshëm. Nuk është vetëm momenti i
ndarjes, po diku më thellë e kanë origjinën këto lot. Në këtë rast
lotët shmangin një tronditje psikike për dy njerëz, që do të vijojnë
jetën në një mënyrë tjetër e do të hyjnë në provë ripridhuese.
Janë momente që i përkasin shoqërisë njerëzore, është një proces që
diçka do ndryshojë, që për individin është një lloj dileme. Po t'I
referohemi Hegelit, "një qënie dhe mosqënie njëherësh. Të
ndryshuarit është kalimi nga njëra te tjetra,… Në brendësi të të
ndryshuarit diçka ndryshon, pra diçka rrjedh. Ka një histori, një
ngjarje, një proçes". Në skeletin e sistemit filozofik të Hegelit
do të hynte ky moment, pra lotët, në filozofinë e tij të shpjeguar,
në atë të shpirtit e si nënndarje, në atë psikologjike.
I kthehemi procesit si realitet. Grupi i vajzave me vargje
mallëngjyese për rininë (beqarinë), për nanën, për babën, për motra,
vëllezën e moshatarë, e bëjnë atë të qajë. Në këtë kohë të shkurtër
qan nana, baba e më të afërtit e tjerë. Është për t'u theksuar se
detyra e grupit që këndojnë është : ta bajnë dhëndrrin të
qajë! "Hajt ta lidhim besën,/ me një fije kashtë,/ ta duesh nanën,/
sikur e ke dashtë,/", e kështu me rradhë për babën, motrën, e të
tjerë. Kjo është skena e lotëve për dhëndërrin. Koha më e zgjatur
për lot është në shtëpinë e vajzës - nuse, dhe arrin kulmin kur del
nga dera për rrugë me krushq.
Një mori këngësh provokojnë lot te nusja, kur afrohet pranë shtëpisë
së dhëndërrit. Ajo nga larg, po edhe pranë oborrit dëgjon vargje të
tilla: "Kur ja vune kamën shalës,/ a ja bane hallall babës,/..."
Këngët e këtij lloji përshkohen nga nota emotive, ku gjuha poetike
ngul këmbë në të qarën. E qara dhe nazet (këtë të fundit në shtëpinë
ku ishte, ku bën sikur s'do me dalë nga dera), duket sikur
lehtësojnë pengesat për të kaluar në një fazë të re jetësore, bile i
japin zemër për të kaluar vështirësitë. Në fund të këtyre këngëve,
dy vargje zbulojnë nëntekstin, dalin hapur: "Hajt, moj nuse, mos ki
dert,/ se këto fjalë mi janë adet/.
Mbushja ujë
Një tjetër motiv është edhe mbushje për herë të parë uji e nuses.
Kjo ndodh pas dasmës, kur në shtëpi (tashmë edhe e saj), kanë mbetur
më të afërtit e familjes. Nusja shoqërohet për në krua nga motra të
burrit e kunata, mbushin ujë e kthehen. Në disa fshatra ka qenë
zakon, (diku edhe ekziston), që ena pasi mbushet derdhet, për ta
mbushur prapë. Për këtë rit, thuhet se "uji i parë i enës është i
zanave, i dyti i nuses". Duke folur për këtë rit, profesor E.Çabej,
thotë "zjarri dhe uji lozin një rol të rëndësishëm. Farefisi femnuer
i nuses e çojnë te kroni. Ky zakon është te grekët, bullgarët dhe
arumunët". (Ylliria, 18 kallnuer, 1936). Një rit ballkanik, ku e
veçanta jonë lidhet me ujin e zanave, pra mitike.
Ka edhe aspekte të tjera të riteve dasmore, të poezisë e veprimeve
në dasmën tradicionale lumjane. Gjithësesi, thelbësorja është në
rreshtat dhe vargjet popullore, që përbëjnë poemën lirike, një poemë
shumë vëllimëshe. (Se s'kemi term tjetër për të përcaktuar volumin e
saj). Struktura e këtyre këngëve është një model, ku është
mbështetur poezia e kultivuar (e poetëve). Kuptohet se në këtë
mënyrë, kjo e fundit emërton gjëra të ndryshme, po në thelb në
mënyrë homogjene, duke u paraqitur me të njejtën strukturë. Ato
mendime, të trashëguara e të reja (që janë pranuar si elemente
qytetërimi), poezia e dasmës i rimon, për t'i vënë në këngë, tashmë
të shenjuara ekspresivisht.
Raka hana ndër bojana,/ nusen tonë e mësoka nana./ Hajt mos nanë,
mos m'so mue,/ se unë djalin do ta due./ Dy vargjet e para mësimi,
transmetimi i njoftimit, kur në të dytat, elementet disi qytetare
(shprehja e hapur e dashurisë, prindërve).
Kur dikush e dëgjon për herë të parë një këngë dasmore, kur e ndjek
një dasmë a lexon këngë darsme të përmendura më parë, jep një
vlerësim me ato që di nga një vis tjetër. Ai mund të thotë; kjo mirë
e kjo keq, sipas pjesëve të dasmës. Një vlerësim mund ta bëjë edhe
një që s'e ka jetuar atë, por e ka me të dëgjuar. Ndryshe ndodh me
një të moshuar, i cili justifikon gjithë ceremonialin. Pikërisht se
ka të tilla vlerësime, pranohet zhvillimi, e reja si proces në
rastin e ceremonialit të dasmës.

Norma dhe dhuna

Dasma e traditës është dasëm institucionale, pra ka normën. Kjo
normë vjen nga kohët e hershme të shoqërisë njerëzore, ka bërë
ndryshime të herëpashershme sipas pëlqimit të shumicës dhe ka mision
të çojë individin nga rrugë të pashkelura në të shkelura. Me anë të
kësaj norme bëhet ripërtëritja e individit dhe nëpërmes tij, e
gjithë shoqërisë njerëzore. Shoqëria njerëzore e ka rregulluar me
anë të institucionit të dasmës biofilinë (dashurinë për jetën), në
mënyrë të tillë, që pas ndjesive të individit, të vijnë ato të
rrethit familjar e fisnor. Gjithnjë kemi respektin për biofilinë, e
cila në momentin më të rëndësishëm të një individi, kur ky kërkon të
kapërcejë në jetë bashkëshortore, shfaqet me këngë, valle, rite,
lojra, ushqim dhe krahas këtyre detyrime normative. Duket se këto të
gjitha së bashku mbajnë institucionin e dasmës tradicionale.
Dasma tradicionale është akuzuar për përdorimin e dhunës.
Zakonisht, kur ka normë, ka edhe dhunë (në kuptimin ndrydhje). Dhuna
sipas psikoanalistë ve si Frojd, Erich Fromm, etj, përfaqëson
revoltën e jetës kundër paaftësisë. Një ndër llojet e dhunës sipas
këtyre psikanalistëve është "dhuna kompensuese" ... Ajo është e
ngulitur thellë te njeriu, ashtu siç është dëshira për të jetuar...
Ajo është rezultat i një jetë të pajetuar (E.Fromm, Psikoanaliza e
dashurisë, T.1998, faqe. 14).
Dhamë këto thënie, pasi te dasma tradicionale (jo se
s'ekzistojne te dasma e sotme) është e pranishme kjo lloj dhune.
Psikanalistë, siç është E.From, japin edhe mundësinë e shmangies
ndaj kësaj dhune: "e vetmja kurë, - thonë ata, - ndaj shkatërrimit
kompensues, është zhvillimi i potencialit krijues të njeriut dhe
aftësisë së tij për të përdorur në mënyrë produktive cilësitë e tij
njerëzore". (Po aty, f.15). (Kënga e ritit dhe ritet vetë, janë kura
më e mirë).
Në trajtimet e ndryshme të dasmës tradicionale, edhe pse nuk
është përdorur direkt termi dhunë, është lënë të kuptohet nëpërmes
fjalëve skllavëri, nënshtrim, shtypje të burrit ndaj gruas, etj,
(Shih, psh "Nëpër vargjet e këngës popullore", T. 1980, f.90 - 108).
Diku tjetër, po edhe këtu flitet skena të shitjes e blerjes së
vajzës, për "gjoja" rite, etj. Sigurisht që ka pjesë që duhen
kapërcyer (dhe që në realitet janë kapërcyer), po pa këto nuk i
thonim "tradicionale" , kur dihet se dasma, ashtu si edhe ceremoni e
rite të tjera, kanë kaluar nëpër disa formacione ekonomike -
shoqërore. Nga këto shkallë të zhvillimit shoqëror kanë arritur edhe
këto "të kritikueshmet" , si detyrimet, ritet, zakonet, që në një
pamje kanë një lloj dhune. E megjithatë, janë dëshmi e gjallë e
rezistencës regjionale e kombëtare, një pasqyrë ku lashtësia e një
kombi ka lënë gjurmët.
Në ceremonialin tradicional të dasmës, thuhet se kërkohet një
sasi paresh nga familja e vajzës. Dhe këtu akuza është më e rëndë,
pasi del se "vajza shitet". Për kohën e mëparëshme, ndoshta kishte
një vlerë, ishte kompensim i lidhjes miqësore (kur të rinjtë nuk
njiheshin e vetëm përfytyronin njëri - tjetrin). Koha kur jepeshin e
merreshin këto para, ish e caktuar dhe e hapur. Pra, ky veprim nuk
bëhej fshehur. Vetë termi "forcim", i kësaj marrëdhënie, le të
kuptosh për lidhje miqësore, po edhe një detyrim, që dasma të bëhej
dasëm, se "njeriu një herë martohet". "Në të vërtetë miku i merr
këto para, por ia kthen prapë në një formë tjetër, domethënë në
formën e çezit", thotë Elez Braha në studimin "Dasma në Lumë".
Vërejtësit, megjithatë, kanë të drejtë në dhënien e mendimeve të
tyre, pasi koha e tashme i quan të kapërcyera. Nga ana tjetër, vetëm
vërejtësit kanë
të drejtë ta kritikojnë me mendimet e tyre, të thonë së kjo është "e
mirë apo kjo e keqe", ndërsa studiuesit nuk mund ta thonë kështu.
Studiuesi e merr çdo dukuri në kohë, çdo veprim në rrethana të
caktuara shoqërore.

Psikologjia e dasmës tradicionale

Në dasmën tradicionale, nuk gjen vetëm këngët, ritet, zakonet, e
tradita, por gjen edhe psikologjinë e një shoqërie, ku individi
respektohet në shkallë të lartë. Ai vihet në qendër të ceremonialit,
i rrihet pranë, ndihmohet me të gjitha mjetet (veçanërisht me
artin), që të hyjë në fazën e re të trashëgimnisë. Rrethi shoqëror
sakrifikon nga e tija, për të respektuar individin (dhëndrrin e
nusen), se e di psikologjinë e shpirtit të individit në këto çaste.
Ndaj dasmën e shndërron në një festë, ku shumica janë aktorë (dikush
punon, dikush këndon e dikush bisedon) e më pak spektatorë. Aktorët
kryesorë, ku janë drejtuar sytë e të gjithë pjesëmarrësve janë
nusja e dhëndrri. Ndaj figurat stilistike të këngës zgjidhen deri te
e madhërishmja si kategori estetike: Raka dielli e prenon
hana,/Nusja jonë po vjen si zana/..., janë dy vargje të një kënge,
në çastin kur krushqit afrohen me nuse pran
shtëpisë së djalit. Në ketë kohë, dhëndrri del dhe e shikon. Deri
vonë dhëndrrit i vinin një napë para syve kur shihte nusen për hëre
të parë në kalë, zakon që tani nuk praktikohet. Duket një mbeturinë
mistike. Kënga shoqëron ardhjen e nuses dhe kërcitjen e pushkës nga
dhëndrri në këto çaste.
Kënga lirike e dasmës shpreh anën psikologjike të protagonistëve,
por jo vetëm të tyre. Nga një anë ndryshon raporti mes dy familjeve,
do nisin procese të reja në njërën prej tyre (në atë ku shkon nusja)
si: lindja e fëmijëve deri në shkëputjen nga trungu e formimi i
familjes së vet. Po më emocionale është largimi i vajzës. Në ketë
familje do mungojë një njeri, do ndjehet një boshllëk e, mbi të
gjitha, është meraku prindëror, se si do e ndjejë vetën vajza në atë
familje ku shkon. Gjithashtu këtu do ndjehet malli, mërzia etj.
Mënyrën për të kapërcyer ketë ndjesi, sidomos për natën e parë të
largimit të vajzës, tradita e ka zgjidhë duke i qëndruar pranë atë
natë. Kështu disa të afërm, si nga fisi, ashtu edhe nga miqtë,
qëndrojnë në në një dhomë, ku bëhet muhabet. Mund të themi se nga
soditja e bisedës së asaj nate, trajtohen më shumë çeshtje
familjare, bëhen tregime popullore mbi
ndodhi të ndryshme në raste dasme, shpjegohen probleme të lindura
mes familjesh, kur ato ishin të lidhura mes njëra – tjetrës etj.
Zakonisht drejtimin e bisedës e merr njëri nga miqtë më të largët,
po edhe ai që di të trajtojë këto probleme. Bëhen pyetje e jepen
shembuj zgjidhjesh nga figura të njohura popullore të krahinës e më
larg saj, si nga Dibra apo vise të tjera.
Është një natë që ka shumë rëndësi e mbahet mend nga ajo familje
për qëndrimin afër atë natë, kur u mungon e do t'u mungojë gjithnjë
një njeri. Megjithatë, fjala më e ëmbël (që shkon deri në
ngushëllim) është: "E marrtë hajri mbrapa!"
Dukuritë e traditës dasmën e quajnë të fisit, jo vetëm nga ana
organizative e ndihmë materiale, po edhe shpirtërore, pra nga ana
psikike. Çdo pjesëmarrës në dasëm, në një mënyre është pjesë e
dasmës me gjithë problemet që ka apo dalin. Gjithashtu merr pjesë me
gëzimin e deri hidhërimin (psh, kur qan vajza që del nuse, qajnë
edhe të afërm).

Liria në dasmën tradicinale

Mund të përmendim lirinë e njerëzve dhe të këngës së dasmës. Kur
përmendet dasma mendja e gjithë rrethit familjar e shoqëror shkon te
lënia e punëve të zakonshme të stinës, hallet e problemet e
përditshme dhe marrja me dasmën. E veças, bota femërore si më e
mbyllura në shtëpi, jo vetëm mendon për veshjen, paraqitjen sa më
mirë në dasëm, por mendon deri dhe për këngët që do këndohen. Bile
interesohet për emra të babait, vëllezërve e motrave të nuses për
t'u thurur këngë, për t'i përmendur në publik dhe para nuses, si për
t'i treguar se "njohim njerëzit e tu". Kjo edhe për të bërë më
shpejt përshtatjen në familjen e re e nganjëherë si me humor, për
t'i thënë se "të njohim kush je".
Liria duket sikur i kalon kufijtë. Ato vajza të mbyllura dhe të
ndrojtura në dasëm shpërthejnë gjithë talentin e tyre. Këndojnë e
kërcejnë sa që thua se nuk janë ato që njeh. Ndryshon edhe fjalori i
tyre, veças në një moment kur i drejtohen nuses së re me fjalë
lënduese, si "a e lae nanën" e deri në fyese për vëllezërit e motrat
e saj, si "Kush t'përcolli der' te lvadhi, çaj vllai nuses, çaj
veshgjati" etj. Vargjet: "Hajt, moj nuse, mos ki dert,\ se kto fjalë
m'i janë adet, qetësojnë nusen....

PËRFUNDIM

Kënga mbetet këngë. Si çdo këngë, kënga e dasmës ka figurat dhe
figuracionin e saj. Në qendër të figurave qëndron ajo e nuses dhe
pas saj ajo e djalit-dhëndërr. Këto figura ndrin në çdo këngë. Ato
kanë një arsenal figuracioni, që nga krahasimet, epitetet deri te
metaforizimi zakonisht në shpend të bukur apo qëniet zbukuruese të
natyrës, veças pyllit e fushës etj. Nusja-hënë që shkëlqen më tepër,
trandafile, synin si filxhan, vetull-gajtane, shtat-bajrak etj.
Zakonisht figurat merren nga mjedisi rret e rrotull vendit të
dasmës. Duhet thënë se figurat që merren japin përfytyrimin e të
madhërishmes me anën e trupave qiellorë, figurave mitike, maleve të
larta, përzgjedhje emra kafshësh e shpendësh të bukur po edhe
mitikë, metale të çmuara e të shndëritshme etj. Veç dy personave
qendrorë, janë nëna, babai vëllai, motra, hallat, dajat, të afërmit
etj, që kënga i vlerëson sipas rëndësisë.
Nëna, (të dy, e vajzës dhe e djalit) si prehëri i ngrohtë i fëmijës,
nxitet me fjalët "lumja ti, ç'vashë rrite" dhe "lumja ti ç'nuse
more". Këto fjalë sikur nënës së vajzës i vijnë në ndihmë për të
lehtësuar mungesën e se bijës në të ardhmen. Po kështu nxisin nënën
e djalit të dojë nusen e të gëzohet më shumë për djalin që do
krijojë familje të re. Në veprimet pas ardhjes së nuses, është nëna
që uron e para "pastë kamën e mbarë", u lëshon sheqer e drejton
fëmijët apo motrat, hallat etj, që të kryejnë veprime të tilla si
hedhje gruri, orizi, hyrjen e nuses me këmbën e djathtë etj.
Sikur ta vërejsh me kujdes nënën (e djalit) në ketë çast, duket se
veç gëzimit, disi ka edhe shqetësim. Vetë në qenien e njeriut është
një shqetësim prindëror. Së pari është shqetësimi për të ardhmen, jo
vetëm si do të dalë nusja, por edhe se nëna deri tani vetë ka qënë
në krye e vetë në fund; nuk i është përzie dikush në veprimet e saj.
Tani e pas do të ketë një lloj konkurence në kryerjen e detyrave
familjare. Gjithashtu nëna ndjen edhe një lloj dhimbjeje për moshën
e saj që po kalon. Këto çaste shpesh shoqërohen me këngë, si me
humor: "Mos mrrol sy e mos mrrol vetull,/se je msue me ngranë
vetëm".

Dasma ka veç këngëve, elementë të hershëm të cilët dalëngadalë po
zhduken. Dikush, me të drejtë a pa të drejtë (është gjykim i tyre
dhe duhet marrë në konsideratë), mund të thotë se s'duhen më. Në
ketë mohim ose pohim duhet pasur parasysh se të gjithë vlerat janë
subjektive dhe njëkohësisht edhe relative. Dukuritë e reja të këngës
popullore, me zhargone të marra hua nga vise të ndryshme (bile edhe
jashtëkombëtare) , pa vlerat e tradicionales, pa seriozitetin
kombëtar, kanë funksion "korruptiv", mashtrues për kolektivin.
Gjithsesi, janë me shije tërheqëse, por të jashtëkontrollushme për
kolektivin.
Sigurisht që shumë elementeve të dasmës tradicionale u ka ikur
koha. Sot koha ka sjellë elementë të rinj, që nga brezi i tanishëm
që i ndjen dhe i përjeton, duken më të pëlqyeshëm. Mbeten për t'u
provuar se sa do i rezistojnë kohës.

Literatura:
E.Çabej, "E.Çabej, Shqiptarët midis Perëndimit dhe Lindjes"
F. Konica, "Shqipëria kopësht shkëmbor në Evropën Juglindore"
E.Braha"

illyria - part 2

The bronze shield and greaves are in the Tirana Museum in Albania, provenence and date as of yet unknown; they are joined by an Illyrian helmet in the reconstruction shown in the museum showing the small size of the shield (photographs courtesy of Michael Anastasiadas). The real shield however looks to be bigger in comparison to the greaves beside it that shown in the reconstruction.




This is a detail of the famous Gradiste plate, again in the museum of Tirana, and photographed beautifully by Mike. It most likely dates to the 4th century BC. Some have seen a Macedonian fighting an Illyrian depicted here on account of the differing number of rings in the combatent's two shields, but in my opinion there is nothing here that says anything other than 'southern Illyrian'. The shields are of a much more normal size than the excavated example shown in the museum above (or at least, the reconstructed version thereof); certainly recovered Macedonian shields of this type vary from 60 cm to 75 cm in diameter which is just right for ones these two warriors are carrying. The use of a shield while fighting mounted was not a feature of contemporary Greek warfare (nor it seems, of Macedonian), but is known from nearby Italy, with which Illyria had close links, and the Celts to their north,

Atlantis

Atlantis

"Plato, ambitious to elaborate and adorn the subject of the lost Atlantis, as if it were the soil of a fair estate unoccupied, but appropriately his by virtue of some kinship with Solon, began the work by laying out great porches, enclosures, and courtyards, such as no story, tale, or poesy ever had before. But he was late in beginning, and ended his life before his work. Therefore the greater our delight in what he actually wrote, the greater is our distress in view of what he left undone. For as the Olympieium in the city of Athens, so the tale of the lost Atlantis in the wisdom of Plato is the only one among many beautiful works to remain unfinished." (Plutarch, Parallel Lives Solon 32.1-2).

Atlantis was a large island in the Atlantic Ocean which lay in front of the mouth of the pillars of Heracles (straits of Gibraltar). Their inhabitants became a spiritually ugly race and for that reason Zeus and the gods destroyed them by letting the island be swallowed up by the sea. Atlantis was ruled by a confederation of kings and its power extended over Libya as far as Egypt and over Europe as far as Tuscany. About 8000 years before the Trojan War, Atlantis attempted to conquer the whole of the Mediterranean world but was defeated by the Athens of those remote times and its allies. Later, when the gods perceived that Atlantis was inhabited by an evil race, they let the island be destroyed by the third of the floods which preceded the Flood in the time of Deucalion 1. The first ten kings of Atlantis (five pairs of twins) were all sons of Poseidon and Cleito 2. The first born was Atlas, who was appointed to be king over the rest and after whom the island was called. The legend of Atlantis is not connected to other myths except for the names of Atlas and Poseidon.

Account of the Egyptian priest Origin of this account

According to Plato's account it was Solon, the Athenian statesman and poet whom History says lived 600 years after the Trojan War, the one who brought from Egypt the story of Atlantis. The very old Egyptian priest who talked with Solon was not at all impressed by Greek ancient stories, such as the one referring to Phoroneus as the first man, or the legend of the Flood of Deucalion 1, for these stories, according to his perspective were all but ancient.

Periodical destruction of mankind

This Egyptian priest knew that mankind is periodically destroyed, either by fire or water, or by lesser means. And behind the story of Phaethon 3, the Egyptian says, lies the shifting of the celestial bodies around the earth, which cause destruction by fire on its surface at long intervals. When this happens those living in dry areas or dwelling in mountains suffer destruction more than those living near rivers or the sea. On the other hand, when the world is flooded those living in mountains are saved, but those populating the cities near the sea are swept into it by the streams.

The Egyptians often spared

Things having this nature, those living by the Nile were spared when the world was destroyed by fire, and when it was destroyed by water they were also spared because rain is scarce in Egypt, the water welling up always from below. In this way, says the Egyptian priest, memories of ancient times could be preserved in this country while all records were destroyed elsewhere. And while in other countries the periodical destruction caused irreparable losses, in Egypt it was possible to keep records of very ancient times.

Greeks lost memory

This is the reason why, says the priest, the Greeks could just remember the Flood of Deucalion 1, ignoring that many other floods had previously occurred. And in the same way they had lost the memory of the Athens which existed 8000 years before the Trojan War (which is today said to have taken place about 1200 BC).

Atlantis defeated in war

According to this Egyptian priest, that old Athens resisted the invasion of the people from Atlantis, an island larger than Libya (name for the whole of northern Africa except Egypt) which lay in front of the mouth of the so called "pillars of Heracles" (today called "straits of Gibraltar"). The island Atlantis was ruled by a confederation of kings which held power also in surrounding islands. The people of Atlantis had occupied Libya as far as Egypt and southwestern Europe, as far as Tuscany in Italy. And after doing that they gathered a host in order to make an attempt to extend their dominion to both Egypt and Greece. However, this powerful army was defeated by the Athenians.

Atlantis and Athens destroyed

At a later time, earthquakes and floods destroyed the two opponents, for Athens was swallowed up by the earth, and the island of Atlantis was likewise swallowed up by the sea, vanishing for ever. This is why, the Egyptian says, the ocean at the spot where Atlantis was, became impossible to sail across, being blocked up by the mud created by the large island when it sank.
Atlantis allotted to Poseidon

When the gods divided among themselves different regions of the earth, the island of Atlantis was allotted to Poseidon, who settled there the children he had begotten of a mortal woman.

Poseidon marries and changes topography of the island

In the middle of the island there was a fertile plain, and in its centre there stood a mountain where the autochthons (offspring of the soil) Evenor 4 and Leucippe 6 lived with their daughter Cleito 2. When they died, Poseidon married this young woman, and proceeded to alter the landscape, making the hill impregnable. And so he carved circular belts, three of sea and two of land around the hill, isolating it completely, for at that time sailing was unknown. He also brought up springs of warm and cold water, producing all kinds of food.

The ten kings of Atlantis

Poseidon and Cleito 2 had five pairs of twins, who, along with their descendants, ruled the ten provinces into which Poseidon had divided Atlantis. The island and the ocean were called after Poseidon's first-born, Atlas, who was also king over his brothers. The brothers and the descendants of their ten royal houses ruled over many other islands, and also over the Mediterranean peoples living west of Egypt and Tuscany.

Kings assembled

The ten kings, who governed each his own province, are said to have assembled every fifth year and every sixth year, administering the public affairs and delivering judgement according to the law that Poseidon handed down to them, and according to records inscribed in a pillar of orichalcum.

Wealth of Atlantis

The people of Atlantis possessed an immense wealth, for they had at their disposal all kinds of supplies in endless abundance: metals, timber, animals--both tame and wild--, including elephants, a great variety of fruits and vegetables, and many other things. Receiving all these products, they promptly furnished their temples, harbours, and the rest of the country. Around their metropolis, which was at about 10 kilometers (ca. 6 miles) from the sea, they built a circular system of channels and bridges with towers and gates, and circular walls of stone which they coated with brass, tin, and orichalcum.

Atlantis defeated

Atlantis was a flourishing realm. And yet, in spite of all the power deriving from wealth and advanced technologies, mighty fleets and large armies, Atlantis was defeated in war by the Athens of those remote times. Also, for all the knowledge the people of Atlantis had at their disposal, they were not able to prepare themselves against the natural catastrophe that affected them, nor could they avoid utter destruction. It has also been said that the people of Atlantis degenerated, for they were unable to live a happy life, having become spiritually ugly. For this reason, Zeus and the gods, perceiving how evil this race had become, inflicted punishment upon them and let them be swallowed up by the sea.



Parentage of known Atlanteans



Poseidon & Cleito


Cleito 2 is the daughter of Evenor 4 & Leucippe 6. When the parents of Cleito 2 died, Poseidon married her, breaking off the hill where she used to live with her parents, and carving circular belts of sea and land around the hill.

Offspring of Poseidon & Cleito 2 - Five pairs of twins - First kings of Atlantis

Atlas
Eumelus
Atlas, who was Poseidon's first born was appointed to be king over his brothers, who in turn ruled other provinces of Atlantis, which were ten in number. The island and the ocean around it were named after Atlas .
The name of Eumelus 8 was, in Atlantian language, Gadeirus. He ruled that part of Atlantis which was near the "pillars of Heracles" (Gibraltar)



Ampheres
Evaemon 3


Mneseus
Autochthon

Elasippus 2
Mestor 4

Azaes
Diaprepes

Maps of Ancient Greece

ACHAEANS & TROJANS
Below are the estimated homelands of Achaean and Trojan leaders. What the geographer Strabo says referring to some territories in Asia Minor could be applied to other cases:

". . . ancient tradition suggests some such position of the tribes as this, but the present differences are the result of numerous changes, since different rulers have been in control at different times, and have confounded together some tribes and sundered others." [Strabo, Geography 12.4.6].















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The returns of the ACHAEAN LEADERS after the destruction of Troy consisted mainly of dispersion, shipwreck, long wanderings and sedition at home. Short account of the returns of the ACHAEAN LEADERS (more details at The Aftermath of the Trojan War):




Names of characters in this map: Agamemnon, Agapenor, Ajax 2, Amphilochus 2, Andromache, Antiphus 5, Calchas, Demophon 1, Diomedes 2, Guneus 2, Helenus 1, Idomeneus 1, Leonteus 1, Meges 1, Menelaus, Menestheus 1, Mopsus 2, Neoptolemus, Nestor, Odysseus, Phidippus, Philoctetes, Phoenix 2, Phrontis 3, Podalirius, Polypoetes 1, Polyxenus 2, Prothous 4, Teucer 1, Thoas 2. (For Geographical names see: Map of Greece.)

Agamemnon was the overlord of the coalition against Troy. He returned home to Mycenae, but was murdered by his wife Clytaemnestra and her lover Aegisthus, who then seized the kingdom.

Agapenor from Arcadia settled in Cyprus.

Ajax 2 was the Leader of the Locrians against Troy. During the sack of the city, he raped Cassandra who was clinging to the wooden image of Athena. So during his return Athena threw a thunderbolt against his ship; and when the ship went to pieces he made his way safe to a rock, and declared that he was saved in spite of the intention of Athena. But Poseidon smote the rock with his trident and split it, and Ajax 2 fell into the sea and perished. His body, being washed up, was buried by Thetis in Myconos. But Leonymus affirms that he saw the soul of Ajax 2 in the White Isle.

Antiphus 5, from Cos (one of the Sporades islands, now Dodecanese, off the southwestern coast of Asia Minor), settled in Thessaly.

Amphilochus 2 (son of Alcmaeon 1), said to have arrived late to the Trojan War, was killed in single combat by Mopsus 2 (son of Manto 1, daughter of Tiresias) in Caria.

Calchas died during his wanderings in Asia Minor when he was defeated by Mopsus 2 in the art of divination.

Diomedes 2 was Leader of the Argives against Troy. When after the war Diomedes 2 went back to Argos, Aegialia (his wife) plotted against him. So he took sanctuary at the altar of Hera, and fleeing with his companions by night he passed into Italy and went to the court of King Daunus. Some say he died of old age. Others that he was caused to disappear while his companions were changed into birds. Still others say that King Daunus killed him by a trick.

Guneus 2, a Thessalian, went to Libya and settled near the Cinyps river.

Idomeneus 1, Leader of the Cretans against Troy. Previously, one of the SUITORS OF HELEN, and one of the heroes inside the WOODEN HORSE. He was never able to come back home. During his absence he was deposed by an usurper and emigrated to Italy. His wife married the usurper, and was later murdered by him.

Menelaus, king of Sparta, whose wife Helen had been the cause of the war, is found some years later living a pleasant life together with Helen in Sparta. But before that, he had wandered for seven years in the Mediterranean coasts visiting or pillaging Egypt, Libya, Cyprus and Phoenicia.

Menestheus 1 had been given the sovereignty of Athens by the DIOSCURI and when the war against Troy started he became leader of the Athenians. But he did not return to Athens: after the sack of Troy, Menestheus 1 went to Melos and reigned as king, because the king there, Polyanax, had died.

Neoptolemus and Phoenix 2 wandered through northern Greece together with the Trojan prisoners Helenus 1 and Andromache, whom Neoptolemus married. Neoptolemus set out for the country of the Molossians by land, burying Phoenix 2, who died on the way. Having vanquished the Molossians he reigned over them. He became king of the islands off Epirus and gave his own mother to Helenus 1 as wife.

Odysseus went, after the sack of Troy, through 10 years of involuntary adventures in the Mediterranean (Odysseus had attempted to stay at home during the war). Calypso 3 offered him immortality, but he refused to trade returning home for immortality. However, at home there was sedition, and he felt compelled to take back his rights through a massacre. For having killed the SUITORS OF PENELOPE, Neoptolemus (who had been appointed judge in this matter) condemned him to exile. So they tell; but it is also said that Odysseus died of Old Age in Ithaca.

Phidippus, who had led an army from Cos, settled in Andros (the most northerly of the Cyclades Islands).

Philoctetes was from Meliboea. He became Leader of the Olizonians against Troy. He was bitten by a water-snake (Serpent 12) in Tenedos, and as the wound did not heal the army put him ashore on the island of Lemnos with the bow of Heracles 1 which he had in his possession. There he subsisted in the wilderness by shooting birds. Calchas prophesied to the Achaeans that Troy could not be taken unless they had the bow and arrows of Heracles 1 fighting on their side. So Odysseus and Diomedes 2 (or as some say Odysseus and Neoptolemus) sailed to Lemnos, and by craft got possession of the bow of Philoctetes. They then persuaded him to sail to Troy, where, having being cured by Podalirius, he shot Paris. After the war, he returned to Meliboea. But as sedition threatened the city, he settled in Campanian in Italy where he made war on the Lucanians. Later he settled in Crimissa where he founded a sanctuary of Apollo to whom he dedicated his bow.

Phrontis 3 (son of Onetor 2) was the steerman in Menelaus' ship. He was killed by Apollo in cape Sunium.

Podalirius, Asclepius' son, following the instructions of the oracle at Delphi, settled in Caria (southwestern Asia Minor).

Prothous 4 from Magnesia in eastern Thessaly, settled in Crete.

Albanian Artist Cobbles Record Nail and Toothpick Mosaics

Albanian Artist Cobbles Record Nail and Toothpick Mosaics

Albanian artist Saimir Strati is the Michaelangelo of the hammer.

In view of this particular creation, perhaps Leonardo da Vinci would be a better comparison. Strati used the old master’s image to create the largest known mosaic ever cobbled together entirely from nails.




A lot of nails. Strati says he lost track of the exact count, but figures his rendition of Leonardo’s self-portrait contains something on the order of 400 kilos (880 pounds) of various size nails. Guinness estimated the finished mosaic at around a half million nails.




Strati starts by sketching his work on a plywood backing, then applying nails of various depths “pixel by pixel” like a television or computer image. The Leonardo image was completed in September of 2006, and still holds the world record in the rough-and-tumble world of competitive nail mosaic design. Last September, Strati set a second mosaic record: a 8 square meter rendering of a horse made from 1.5 million toothpicks.

ALBANIA PAPER MONEY

Very Rare 1940 (N/D) Albania 100 Franga Banknote in Very Good conditions (Small piece missing and small tear)

Albanian Maps

DATE: 1870... From the rare Colton's General Atlas printed in 1870. There is an even older copyright date printed right on the map: "Entered accoring to Act of Congress in the Year 1855 by J. H. Colton & Co. in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York". This GREAT Map was made and HAND COLORED 138 Years AGO !!! THIS IS NOT A REPRODUCTION.
DESCRIPTION: Medium weight paper, gorgeous decorative border !!
SHEET SIZE: about 14.5" X 17" .







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Map from "A Classical Atlas to Illustrate Ancient Geography" by Alexander G. Findlay, Harper and Brothers Publishers, New York, 1849.
Macedonia, Thracia, Illyria, Moesia et Dacia [Ancient Balkans]









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From "The Public Schools Historical Atlas" edited by C. Colbeck, published by Longmans, Green, and Co., 1905.
Europe - Crusades Era [includes Balkans]









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Map from "Historical Atlas" by William R. Shepherd, 1923.
Europe about 1560 [includes Balkans]











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Changes in Turkey in Europe 1856 to 1878 (201K)
From "Literary and Historical Atlas of Europe", by J.G. Bartholomew, 1912.












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Eastern Europe 1878 (468K)
Map from "An Historical Atlas" by Robert H. Labberton, E. Elaxton and Co., 1884.













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Contested Regions according to the map annexed to the Treaty of Alliance [1912] (262K)
Map from "Report of the International Commission To Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars" 1914. "The Serbian-Bulgarian treaty of 13 March 1912 made provision for the partition of Macedonia along the following lines: 'all the territory north of the Sar range' was to go to Serbia; 'all the region east of the Rhodope range and the Struma valley' was to go to Bulgaria. Bulgaria hoped the intervening country should form an 'autonomous Macedonia', but, if this should prove impossible, a new line was to be drawn leaving Kumanovo, Skoplje and Debar to Serbia, and giving Kratovo, Veles, Bitolj (Monastir) and Ohrid to Bulgaria. Serbia undertook to make no claim south of the line; Bulgaria reserved the right to claim territory to the north, in which case Russia was to act as arbitrator. The area of overlapping claims was known as the 'Contested Zone'. "--quote from: Great Britain. Naval Intelligence Division, Geographical Handbook Series: Jugoslavia, Volume II, 1944, p. 114.













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Balkan Aspirations [showing boundaries of 1912] (153K)
Map from "Report of the International Commission To Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars" 1914. "There was hardly any part of the territory of Turkey in Europe which was not claimed by at least two competitors."--Report of the International Commission To Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1914, p.38.

Albanian Names

Albanian Names

The female names:

Adelina Adelina

Afërdita Afërdita
Meaning/translation: the morning, the dawn, the morning star
Info about origin: can be interpreted as Albanian 'afër dita' (near to the day, thus possibly: dawn) in this context can also mean 'morning star'but could be (like 'Afrodita') an Albanian variant of 'Aphrodite', the name of the Greek goddess of love
often simply written 'Aferdita' (without diacritics) Words: afër=near; dita=the day

Afrodita Variant of Aphrodite
Albana Albana
Albulena Albulena
Alketa Alketa
Altea Variant of Althea
Anxhela Variant of Angela
Arbenita Arbenita
Arberie Arberie
Arbnora Arbnora
Ardiana Ardiana
Ardita Ardita
Ariana Variant of Ariadne
Arjana Arjana
Arjana Variant of Ariadne
Arjeta Arjeta
Arta Arta
Besarta Besarta
Besiana Variant of Besjana
Besjana Besjana
Blerina Blerina
Blerta Blerta
Bora Bora
Bukuroshe Bukuroshe
Dafina Variant of Daphne
Dardana Dardana
Diellza Diellza
Donika Variant of Andronika
Donjeta Donjeta
Dorentina Variant of Doruntina
Dorontina Variant of Doruntina
Doruntina Doruntina
Drita Drita
Earta Earta
Edona Edona
Egzona Egzona
Elira Elira
Elmedina Elmedina
Endrita Endrita
Entela Entela
Ermira Ermira
Fatbardha Fatbardha
Fatime Variant of Fatima
Fatjona Fatjona
Fatlinda Fatlinda
Fatmire Fatmire
Fetije Fetije
Fitnete Fitnete
Fitore Fitore
Flutura Flutura
Genta Genta
Gentian Gentian
Gentiana Gentiana
Gezime Gezime
Gjevahire Variant of Xhevahire
Ibadete Ibadete
Jehona Jehona
Jonida Jonida
Kaltrina Kaltrina
Kimete Kimete
Klea Variant of Clea
Leonora Variant of Eleonora
Lindita Lindita
Liridona Liridona
Lule Lule
Lulezime Variant of Lulëzime
Luljeta Luljeta
Lulzime Variant of Lulëzime
Majlinda Majlinda
Manjola Variant of Magnolia
Marigona Marigona
Marsela Marsela
Megi Megi
Mimoza Mimoza
Miranda Miranda
Mirjeta Mirjeta
Mirlinda Mirlinda
Odeta Odeta
Pranvera Pranvera
Qendressa Qendressa
Rea Rea
Rezarta Rezarta
Rilinda Rilinda
Rovena Variant of Rowena
Roza Variant of Rose
Rozafa Rozafa
Sanije Sanije
Sara Variant of Sarah
Saranda Saranda
Shpresa Shpresa
Shqiponja Shqiponja
Sindi Sindi
Suela Suela
Teuta Teuta
Valbona Valbona
Valdete Valdete
Valmira Valmira
Venera Variant of Venus
Vjollca Vjollca
Vjosa Vjosa
Vlora Vlora
Vojsava Vojsava
Xhevahire Xhevahire
Yllka Yllka
Zamira Zamira

The male names:
Afrim Afrim =the approach
Agim Agim=the dawn
Agon Agon=the dawn
Agron Agron=known as the name of an Illyrian king, the husband of Teuta, who becomes queen after his death 232 BC
Alban Alban=the Albanian
Albion Albion
Aleksander Variant of Alexander
Andri Variant of Andrew
Arben Arben
Arber Arber
Arbnor Arbnor
Ardi Ardi
Ardian Ardian
Ardit Ardit
Arian Arian
Arianit Arianit
Arlind Arlind
Armend Armend
Artan Artan
Astrit Astrit
Avni Avni
Azem Azem
Bajram Bajram
Bardh Bardh
Bardhyl Bardhyl
Bashkim Bashkim
Behar Behar
Bekim Bekim
Beqir Beqir
Besart Besart
Besian Besian
Besim Besim
Besmir Besmir
Besnik Besnik
Betim Betim
Blerim Blerim
Brahim Brahim
Bujar Bujar
Burim Burim
Clirim Clirim
Dalmat Dalmat
Dardan Dardan
Dëfrim Dëfrim
Ditmir Ditmir
Drilon Drilon
Dritan Dritan
Driton Variant of Dritan
Edi Variant of Edward
Edon Edon
Edvin Variant of Edwin
Egzon Egzon
Endrit Endrit
Engjëll Engjëll
Enver Enver
Erion Erion
Ermir Ermir
Ervin Variant of Erwin
Fatbardh Fatbardh
Fation Variant of Fatjon
Fatjon Fatjon
Fatlind Fatlind
Fatlum Fatlum
Fatmir Fatmir
Faton Faton
Fatos Fatos
Fisnik Fisnik
Fitim Fitim
Flamur Flamur
Flori Flori
Florim Florim
Fran Variant of Francis
Frenk Variant of Frank
Gazmend Gazmend
Genti Genti
Gezim Gezim
Gjergj Variant of Georg
Gjon Variant of John
Ibish Ibish
Idriz Idriz
Ilir Ilir
Imer Imer
Indrit Indrit
Jak Variant of Jacob
Jetmir Jetmir
Jeton Jeton
Kastriot Kastriot
Konstandin Variant of Konstantin
Korab Korab
Kostandin Variant of Konstantin
Kreshnik Kreshnik
Kristi Kristi
Kushtim Kushtim
Kushtrim Kushtrim
Labinot Labinot
Lavdrim Lavdrim
Ledion Ledion
Leka Variant of Alexander
Leotrim Leotrim
Leutrim Leutrim
Liridon Liridon
Loran Loran
Lorenc Variant of Laurence
Luan Luan
Luftar Luftar
Lulëzim Lulëzim
Lulzim Variant of Lulëzim
Lumturi Lumturi
Mentor Mentor
Mergim Mergim
Milot Milot
Mirlind Mirlind
Murat Murat
Muzafer Variant of Muzaffer
Nderim Nderim
Nexhat Nexhat
Pal Variant of Paul
Pëllumb Pëllumb
Perparim Perparim
Pirro Variant of Pyrrhus
Pjeter Variant of Peter
Prek Prek
Preng Preng
Qendrim Qendrim
Qerim Variant of Karim
Ramiz Ramiz
Redzep Variant of Recep
Rei Variant of Raymond
Rezart Rezart
Rilind Rilind
Rinor Rinor
Saban Saban
Shaban Variant of Saban
Shkelqim Shkelqim
Shkëlzen Shkëlzen
Shkodran Shkodran
Shpend Shpend
Shpëtim Shpëtim
Shtjefen Variant of Steven
Skender Variant of Alexander
Sokol Sokol
Tarek Variant of Tariq
Tarik Variant of Tariq
Tariq Tariq
Taulant Taulant
Tomor Tomor
Tomorr Variant of Tomor
Uesli Variant of Wesley
Uran Variant of Uranus
Valbon Valbon
Valdrin Valdrin
Valmir Valmir
Valon Valon
Veli Veli
Veton Veton
Visar Visar

Xhoi Xhoi
Ylli Ylli
Ymer Variant of Imer
Zamir Zamir
Zef Variant of Joseph

HIGH ALBANIA BY M. EDITH DURHAM part 3

HIGH ALBANIA BY M. EDITH DURHAM part 3


CHAPTER IV
SELTZE, VUKLI, BOGA, RECHI

WE left early next morning for Seltze-Kilmeni, piloted by the old man, and followed a stony track to Rapsha, whose people derive from Laj Gheg, son of Gheg Laz.

Here we found one of the Albanian virgins who wear male attire. While we halted to water the horses she came up–a lean, wiry, active woman of forty-seven, clad in very ragged garments, breeches and coat. She was highly amused at being photographed, and the men chaffed her about her "beauty." Had dressed as a boy, she said, ever since she was quite a child because she had wanted to, and her father had let her. Of matrimony she was very derisive–all her sisters were married, but she had known better. Her brother, with whom she lived–a delicate-looking fellow, much younger than she–came up to see what was happening. She treated me with the contempt she appeared to think all petticoats deserved–turned her back on me, and exchanged cigarettes with the men, with whom she was hail-fellow-well-met. In a land where each man wears a moustache, her little, hairless, wizened face looked very odd above masculine garb, as did also the fact that she was unarmed.

From Rapsha we made a tremendous descent on foot, zigzagging through fine beechwood down a bad stony track to the river Tsem in the land of the Kilmeni–a descent of not much less than 2000 feet. Beyond the river was Montenegrin territory, the land of the Triepshi tribe. From far above, the old man pointed out the spot on the right bank of the green torrent, where two Franciscans were cut to pieces by Moslems two hundred years ago. A crude chromolithograph of their martyrdom, widely scattered among the Christian tribes, still cries to the people for blood-vengeance. In the mountains there is no Deus caritas, but only the God of battles. The ensanguined figure of Christ on the Cross calls up no image of redemption by suffering, but only the stern cry: "We are at blood with the Chifuts (Jews), for they slew our Christ. We are at blood with the Turks because they insult Him. We are at blood with the Shkyars (Orthodox) because they do not pray to Him properly." And strong in this faith, the mountain man is equally ready to shoot or be shot for Him.

I thought, then, rather of the martyrdom I should have to suffer in crawling up this height on the return journey. The Franciscans were out of their pain, and had done with Albania, and I was not yet half-way round.

Han Grabom, at the bottom on the river's edge, welcomed us heartily. There was a large company of men and beasts.

Montenegro was but a few yards away across the Tsem. Hard by were the ruins of a Turkish blockhouse, attacked and destroyed last summer (1907) by the Montenegrin troops, who, at the same time, plundered the han. The people complained bitterly of Montenegrin aggression. Nor could I learn the rights and wrongs of this frontier fray. Montenegrin officials replied to me that the kula was burnt because it was on Montenegrin territory, but its ruins are certainly–according even to their own maps–on the Albanian side of the border.

The han was plundered because the Kilmeni helped the Turkish Nizams in the kula's defence. I asked why–as they so hated the Turks–they had given help. It was because Montenegro was Kilmeni's worst enemy. They could not let Montenegrin troops come over their border without fighting them. "It was for our own land that we were fighting." The Kilmeni-Montenegrin frontier, drawn arbitrarily by the Powers after the Berlin Treaty, is one of the many running sores then created; frontiers that seem to have been designed only in order to make lasting peace impossible.

The border, said Kilmeni, was properly marked with stones where it was not river, but the Montenegrins never kept to it.

It is interesting to hear both sides of a case.

I had heard another version of the same tale five years ago on the other side of the line which blamed Kilmeni.

A local hero at the han insisted on standing us drinks. He had roused great excitement last year by challenging a man of another tribe to fight a duel, a rare thing now, though it was common thirty years ago, when each man wore a yataghan. People were braver then, he said. "Now it was thought a fine thing to pick off a man from behind a rock; that has been brought in by civilisation. "

Four or five hundred armed men, of either tribe, flocked to see the fun. It seemed certain the "duel" would end in a pitched battle between the tribes. The Elders, greatly anxious, made a sitting, and saved the situation by inducing the two foes to swear brotherhood.

Having eaten, I lay down on some planks outside the han, meaning to have an hour's sleep while the men fed within.

But the first Englishwoman at Han Grabom was too great a novelty to be wasted. I was just "off" when I was poked up by the kirijee. He had told the company that I could "write" (i.e. draw) people. They had never seen people written, and I must come and write some to prove the truth of his words.

BOY OF BOGA


I went into the stuffy han, and drew the hanjee making coffee and another man at the sofra, which gave vast satisfaction to every one, except myself, for by then it was time to start.




Following the Tsem's left bank to where Tsem Seltzit and Tsem Vuklit meet, we crossed Tsem Vuklit on a fine stone bridge–Ura Tamara: old Turkish work, which seems to show that the Tsem valley was formerly a much more important thoroughfare than now–and went up the valley of the Seltzit; the track, remarkably good, having been lately put in complete repair by a tribesman at his own expense. The scattered houses of Seltze lie at the valley's head, where it widens and is fertile. Springs gush freely from the ground. A cataract leaps from the mountain above.

The houses are well built of hewn stone. Seltze has a greater air of well-being than any other district of Maltsia e madhe.

The people are of a fine type and most industrious. The cultivable land is well watered by little canals, but there is not enough to provide corn for all. Seltze lives mainly on its flocks. Each autumn the tribesmen migrate with great herds of goat, cattle, and sheep to seek winter pasture on the plains near Alessio, where the tribe owns land, the women carrying their children and their scant chattels upon their backs; and toil back again in summer to the pastures of the high mountains a long four days' march with the weary beasts.

Blood feuds among the Seltze folk are almost nonexistent. This is due largely to the sweet influence of the Franciscan, their Padre, a man much beloved, who has been twenty years among them, and refused lately to be made bishop for he would not leave his flock.

Upon the Montenegrin frontier he admitted sadly there was much trouble. Either party appropriates the beasts that it finds on what it claims as its own side of that "floating" frontier. And there is naturally a flavour about mutton so obtained which the home-grown does not possess.

So was it on the borders of Scotland and England "in the brave days of old." Seltze rejoiced at having captured a hundred and fifty sheep; the Vasojevich across the border retorted by lifting a hundred and ten. The hundred and ten belonged not to Seltze but to the next bariak, Vukli. "We scored," said Seltze, greatly contented. Two years ago matters culminated in a fight; Seltze repulsed two Montenegrin battalions and killed sixteen of the enemy.

The Padre had very many times kept the peace.

His church was crowded on Sunday, though it was not a feast day. And the eager attention with which his flock, asquat on the floor, listened to a very long sermon, showed he had chosen well when he refused to leave them.

An Albanian congregation is a quaint one to preach to. When it is moved, it groans in sympathy and assents loudly. And when it does not agree–it says so.

After church, to the Padre's great entertainment, the congregation mobbed me, as pleased as children with a new toy.

Specially introduced to me by the men was one of the "Albanian virgins," a very bright, clean woman of about forty, clad in enteri and cotton breeches and a white cotton headwrap like a man's. She was most friendly, said she had no brothers, but stood as brother to her sister who was married. She had never meant to marry, and had always dressed as a man. Had a gun at home, but rarely carried it as she was afraid. She thought for women "this was best." She fumbled in her breast, and pulled out a crucifix and rosary which she held up as a defence. The men indignantly said this was not true–she was as brave as a man really.

The Padre said a herdsman's life was the only way to get a living. A woman who will not marry must adopt it, and is safer in a man's dress from the border Moslems. Formerly a great many women went thus as herds. He had now only a few in his parish.

A girl from the neighbourhood of Djakova is said to have served undetected many years in the Turkish army.

This is the tale of Kilmeni as told by the Padre, some Kilmeni men, and the old man.

It is a large tribe of four bariaks, Seltze, Vukli, Boga, and Nikshi, and is descended from one Kilmeni (Clementi), who had four sons, from whom the four bariaks originated.

Most families, said the Padre, can give complete genealogies.

There is also other blood in the tribe. The bariak of Seltze is divided into two groups, of which the one Djenovich Seltze is brother to Vukli. The other, Rabijeni Seltze, is of another blood, and came, according to the old man, from Montenegro near Rijeka, but this the Padre strenuously denied, saying its origin was not known.

The four bariaks are intermarriageable one with another.

The tribe holds much ground, occupying three valleys that, roughly speaking, lie parallel with one another–Seltze in the valley of Tsem Seltzet, Vukli and Nikshi in the valley of Tsem Vuklit, and Boga at the head of the valley of the Proni Thaat. Seltze (300 houses) is entirely Catholic, as are Vukli (94 families) and Boga (75 families). Nikshi out of 94 families has 10 Moslem.

Kilmeni's adventures have been many. Never content to submit to Turkish rule and fearful of its extension, the tribe, seizing the opportunity when Suliman Pasha, beaten in Montenegro, was in hot retreat (1623), swooped down on him from the mountains and cut the Turkish army to pieces.

The Turks sent a punitive force. The headmen of Kilmeni were executed, and the tribe expelled. But with unbroken courage it bolted back on the first opportunity, and again attacked the Turks in 1683, when they were fighting Austria. Later, in 1737, when Austria was striving to wrest from the Turks that portion of Servian territory which she still desires to posses, she called on Kilmeni to help. But in the fight at Valjevo Austria lost very heavily. The surviving Kilmeni troops dared not return home and face Turkish vengeance, but fled with their allies and settled in Hungary.

Some of their descendants visited Seltze two years ago, and told how they still married according to Kilmeni customs. The bride is led three times round the bridegroom's house, an apple is thrown over the roof, she is given corn, and as she enters the house must step over the threshold with the right foot, and beware of stumbling; and must take a little boy in her arms (this is to ensure bearing a male child, and is common to Montenegro and Albania). Then she is led three times round the hearth.

The corn recalls the confarreatio of the Romans.

Seltze was half empty, folk having not yet returned from the plains. Such as were there received me very hospitably. I sat by many an open hearth, and heard of Kilmeni life. Much we talked of that dire being the Shtriga, the vampire woman that sucks the blood of children, and bewitches even grown folk, so that they shrivel and die. All Kilmeni, and indeed all the tribes, believe in her. She may live in a village for years undetected, working her vile will.

Kilmeni had a sure way of catching her. It is to keep the bones of the last pig you ate at carnival, and with these to make a cross on the door of the church upon Easter Sunday, when it is full of people. Then if the Shtriga be within, she cannot come out, save on the shoulders of the man that made the cross. She is seen, terrified, vainly trying to cross the threshold, and can be caught.

She, and she alone, can heal the victim, who withers and pines as she secretly sucks its blood.

A Djakova man told vividly how his father had saved a child.

"It was the child of a neighbour. I saw it. It was dead–white and cold. And my father cried, 'I know who has done this.' He ran out and seized an old woman, and dragged her in.

"'You have killed this child,' he roared, 'and you must bring it to life again!' My God, how she screamed, and cried by all the saints that she was innocent! 'Spit in its mouth!' cried my father, and he held her by the neck–'Spit, spit!'

"For if she did not spit before the sun went down, it would be too late and the child could not live again. But she still screamed, and would not. And my father drew one of his pistols and clapped it to her head–'Spit, or I shoot!'

"She spat, and he threw her outside and she ran away. We waited, and after an hour some colour came to the child's face, and slowly it came to life. My father had saved it. And I swear by God this is true, for I saw it with my own eyes."

The Shtriga can torment her victim by aches and pains. The wife of this same Djakova man was horribly overlooked, and had pains in her joints and limbs so that she could scarcely walk. Nor could they find the guilty Shtriga. All remedies failing, in despair, though Christians, they sought help of a Dervish well versed in spells. He cut some hair from the top of her head and some from each armpit, and burnt it, saying some words of power. And as the hair burnt, the pains fled and came back no more.

A grim safeguard there is against Shtrigas, but it is hard to get. You must secretly and at night track a woman you believe is a Shtriga. If she have been sucking blood, she goes out stealthily to vomit it, where no one sees. You must scrape up some of the vomited blood on a silver coin, wrap it up and wear it always, and no Shtriga will have power over you.

A hapless woman in Seltze had lost all her children, and believed that her mother-in-law was the Shtriga that slew them. Infant mortality in North Albania is cruelly high. The wretched mother that sees one little one after another pine and die knows not that they are victims of ignorance–the cruellest of all Shtrigas. The child, tight swaddled, lies always in a wooden cradle, over which is bound, with cords, a thick and heavy woollen cover, the gift of the maternal grandmother when the first child is born. It is as thick as an ordinary hearthrug, and shuts out almost all air. If the child be a healthy one, it is taken out of doors and carried about a good deal, and as soon as it can crawl has plenty of fresh air, but if sickly it is released only from its prison by death. It is always indoors; the unhappy mother takes the most jealous care that not for a single moment shall it be uncovered. She even gives it suck by taking the whole cradle on her knee, and lifting only the tiniest corner of the fatal cover. To touch it with water she thinks would be fatal. Filthy, blanched by want of light, and poisoned by vitiated air, the child fades and dies in spite of the amulets hung round its head and neck to ward off the Shtriga and the Evil Eye.

One mother had lost all seven of her children, each under two years; and another five, and was in agony over the sixth. She believed her breast had been bewitched and that her milk was poisonous. She turned back the suffocating cover for me to see the child. It had no symptoms, so far as I could learn, of its food not agreeing. But it was white as a plant grown under a pot. I begged her to uncover it, wash it with warm water, and take it out of doors. In vain. Children were never uncovered; it is adet (the custom). And what is adet is unchangeable. Only the very strong survive, and they become extremely enduring.

No words can tell the misery of the sick in these lands, who, swarming with lice, rot helpless on a heap of ferns or filthy rags in a dark corner till death releases them. No doctor has penetrated these wilds, nor any teacher save the Franciscans, whose medical knowledge is usually of the slightest.

Seltze told me a quaint moon superstition. Hair, if cut at the new moon, soon turns white. It must be cut with the moon on the wane, and then always keeps its colour. A man with a white mustache said it was owing to his having clipped it at the wrong time.

The houses are a far better type that those of Kastrati and Hoti. Solidly built, with two rooms–one often ceiled and with shelves–with high-pitched shingled roofs, some even with a chimney–and seldom with a stable under. They are some of the cleanest I met with.

Seltze is the only place in Maltsia e madhe that has a school–built and taught by the Padre, the Man-who-would-not-be-bishop.

He stood, a dark figure, against the church as I left. I turned in the saddle at the top of the slope to shout "a riverderci" to him, with the hope that it may come true. For he is one of those who have made a small corner of the world the sweeter for his presence.

Vukli was my destination. But the snow lay thick on the pass 'twixt it and Seltze, half-molten, unpassable for horses. We had to return down the valley to Ura Tamara, and ascend the valley of Tsem Vuklit–the track fair and the vale wide and grassy, a great loneliness upon it, for neither man nor beast had come up from the plains. Some primitive dwellings, made by walling up the front of caves in the cliff high above, caught my eye. At the head the valley is wide and undulating. We rode straight to the little church and its house, which formed one building. Out came the most jovial of all Franciscans, Padre Giovanni, stout and white moustachioed, but bearing his seventy-five years lightly. An Italian by birth, one of the few foreigners left in the Albanian Church, he has spent forty years at Vukli–said he was now Albanian, was priest, doctor, and judge, and that in Vukli he meant to end his days.

We sat on the doorstep, while he made hospitable preparations within.

The old man was heartily welcomed as a legal expert. He was honoured and respected everywhere. Vukli, as Seltze, was almost free from blood within the bariak, but one of the few cases of blood was at once laid before him for his opinion.

We sat round, while the Man-that-claimed-blood told his tale. His only son had wished to marry a certain widow, and gave her in token thereof a ring and £T.I. But her parents, whose property she was, would not recognise this betrothal, and sold her to another.

"My son," said the man, "would have paid for her fully, and she wished to marry him. Then was he very angry, and would shoot her husband. But he bethought him, the husband was not guilty, for perhaps he knew not of her betrothal. The guilty ones were the men of her family who sold her. To clear his honour, he shot one of her brothers. Then another brother shot my son, and I have no other. I want blood for my son's blood. They are to blame. They first put shame on him, and then killed him."

The old man thought long over the case, and asked questions. Then he said one was dead on either side, and it were better the blood were laid. He advised a sitting of Elders (a medjliss ) to compound the feud–which was also the Padre's advice. All who heard agreed with the old man, save him who heard the cry of his son's blood, and he would hearken to nothing else.

What was the woman's point of view? In these tales, she has neither voice nor choice–adet (custom) passes over her like a Juggernaut car.

To judge by a twentieth century and West European standard the feelings of a people in such a primitive state of human development would be foolish. It is perhaps equally foolish to attempt to analyse them at all. Here, as in Montenegro, women tell you frankly that, of course, a woman loves her brother better than her husband. She can have another husband and another child, but a brother can never be replaced. Her brother is of her own blood–her own tribe.

On the deck of an Adriatic steamer, at night under the stars, an Albanian once told me the Tale of the Mirdite Woman, with a convincing force which I cannot hope to repeat.

The Mirdite woman was sent down from the mountains and married to a Scutarene. She dwelt with him in Scutari, and bore him two sons. Now the brother of the woman was a sworn foe to the Turks, plundering and slaying them whenever chance allowed. And they outlawed him and put a price upon his head. But he feared no man, and would come at night into the town to sup with his sister and return safely ere dawn. The Turks heard this, and went to the woman's husband with a bag of gold–two hundred Turkish pounds–and tempted him. He had never before seen so much gold. And they said, "It is thine when thou tellest us that thy brother-in-law is here."

On a certain night the outlaw came down from the mountains to the house, and, as is the custom, he disarmed in token of peace. Scarcely had he given up his pistols, gun, and yataghan, when the Turkish soldiers rushed in and slew him, helpless.

His sister, weeping in wild despair, went back with his body to the mountains of Mirdita, singing the death-wail. And they buried him with his people. She came back, still mourning, to her home. And lo! Her husband was counting gold upon his knees. She looked at it and asked him, "Whence comes this gold?"

Then he was afraid, for he saw in her eyes that she knew it was the price of her brother's blood. And he spoke her softly, saying: "All knew of thy brother's coming. If he did not wish to lose his life, why came he? Sooner or later the Turks would have slain him. It is better that we have the gold than another."

But she answered not. Then he told her of the much good that the gold would buy, and she answered "Aye" dully–as one that speaks in sleep. But ever she heard the cry of her brother's blood. And when it was midnight and all was still, she arose and took her dead brother's yataghan. She called on God to strengthen her arm–she swung it over her sleeping husband and she hewed the head from off his body. Then she looked at her two sleeping children. "Seed of a serpent," she cried, "ye shall never live to betray your people!" and them too she slew. And she fled with the bloody yataghan into the night and into the mountains of Mirdita.

It is an old tale. I cannot fix its date. In its raw simplicity it is monumental, and embodies all that there is of tribal instinct and the call of blood.

The Man-that-claimed-blood rose, unconvinced by the old man's judgment, and went away to his lonely hut. The talk, from blood, naturally drifted to wounds. The old man was not only a legal authority but a surgeon of repute. He had recently gained much fame and the large fee of thirty florins–the largest he had ever received–for saving a soldier's leg, and told the tale with modest pride. The soldier was kicked by a horse; the result was a compound comminuted fracture with both bones badly shattered. He demonstrated on his own leg the position of the bones and the point of fracture. The Turkish military doctor wished to amputate–the wound was very foul. The soldier refused to lose his leg, left the hospital, and sent for the old man.

"If the ankle is broken," said the old man judicially, "you can never make it right again. If a man is shot through the knee he generally dies–but three finger-breadths above the ankle and below the knee is safe. You can always save the leg if you are careful."

With his home-made forceps he removed seventeen splinters of bone. When he was sure he had removed all, he washed out the wound thoroughly with rakia. (Rakia is distilled from grape juice; when double-distilled it contains a considerable amount of alcohol.) Never, said he, should a wound be touched with water–always with strong rakia. He then plugged and dressed the wound with a salve of his own making–the ingredients are extract of pine resin, the green bark of elder twigs, white beeswax, and olive oil. The property of the elder bark I do not know. The pine resin would provide a strong antiseptic. He brought the ends of the bones together, bound the leg to a piece of wood, the bones united in three weeks, and in six the man was walking about again with a rather shortened but very serviceable leg.

In gunshot wounds he was expert. For "first aid" his prescription was: Take the white of an egg and a lot of salt, pour on to the wound as soon as possible and bandage. This, only temporary till the patient could be properly treated with rakia and pine salve as above. The wound to be plugged with sheep wool, cleaned and soaked in the salve. The dressing to be changed at night and morning, and at midday also if the weather be very hot. Should the wound show signs of becoming foul, wash again with rakia as often as necessary.

This treatment he had inherited from his grandfather, who had had it from his. The exact proportions and way of making the salve he begged to be excused from telling, as they were a family secret.

It is an interesting fact that antiseptic surgery should have been practised in the Balkan peninsula a couple of generations, and who knows how much more, ago, while West Europe was still washing out wounds with dirty water.

Of rough rule-of-thumb knowledge he had a good deal–showed where the main arteries ran, where it was dangerous to cut and where safe. I asked how one learned surgery. He said first you must have good hands and good fingers (his own were very fine), and you must think a good deal, and remember what you had seen in one patient and apply the knowledge to the next similar case. Above all, never be in a hurry, and be quite sure before you cut. You must think things out for yourself. Of anæsthetics he naturally knew nothing, and his very deliberate methods would be more than a West European could bear. But the Balkan peasant does not appear to feel pain so acutely, and suffers scarcely at all from "shock."

Apoplexy, he said, was caused by too much blood in the head. He had recently been called to a woman who was struck suddenly speechless and quite paralysed down one side. He bled her from the temple on the afflicted side and seven times from the arm on the other side. Next day she was better. He bled her five times. She made a good recovery and was now walking about, though slightly lame.

One must be guided by circumstances. A man came to him a short while ago with a crushed finger. When he had removed the fragments he found the ends of the bone too pointed and splintered to set well. So he sawed them straight with a little saw of his own making, set them, and made a good finger, but short.

Knowing that the Montenegrin native surgeons of old were well known for trephining, I asked the old man what he could do for a badly broken head. "Ah," said he, "the head is very difficult. It is like an egg. First there is the shell, then the skin, then the brain. If that skin is broken you can do nothing–the man must die. But if the broken bone only presses on it you can save him. You cut like this"–he indicated a triangular flap on the head of the man next him–"and turn it back. Then you pick out the broken pieces very carefully and raise the bone from the brain. But you cannot leave the brain unprotected. You must cut a piece of dried hard bottle-gourd to fit the place–it is round like a man's head. You can find a piece that fits exactly. It must be quite hard. Then you replace the flap over it and sew if necessary and dress with the salve, and his head will be as good as ever."

The kirijee at once said, with enthusiasm, that he had been so treated at the age of sixteen; had been knocked on the head in a bazar riot, brought home unconscious, and only recovered when the bashed-in bone was removed. Had had a large piece of gourd in his head ever since. It made no difference, except that he had to scratch his head oftener that side than the other.

The company examined his head with much interest. The old man had never cut out bone himself, only removed broken pieces. But there was a man in Mirdita, he said, very clever at skull-cutting. He had recently removed a very large piece from the skull of a badly injured and unconscious man. (A very large part of the left parietal, according to the description.) Had replaced all with gourd, and made a complete cure.

The company listened with deep interest to the old man's tales. We had another of the successful extraction of a bullet, and heard how he had slung a horse with a broken leg and healed it. He was greatly pleased with my interest, but sighed and said: "I know nothing. You were born in a happy land. I could have learned. I have it here." He touched his head. "I might have been some use. Now I shall die as I have lived–a poor old man among the goats on the mountains."

The old man squatting on a rock became a sublime and tragic figure–the victim of a pitiless Fate–a wasted power, whose skill might have benefited half Europe. My heart bled for him–but at the back of my consciousness I asked myself if he would be any happier hurrying from one fashionable patient to another in a thousand-guinea motor-car through streets that stink of petroleum.

The Padre meanwhile was very busy housekeeping. We should have sent him a wireless telegram, he said. Telegraphing in Albania was far quicker than in any other land. Which is a fact. All news is shouted from hill to hill. "Shouting" gives no idea of it. The voice, pitched in a peculiar artificial note, is hurled across the valley with extraordinary force. Any one that catches the message acts as receiver and hurls it on to its address. And within an hour an answer may be received from a place twelve hours' tramp distant. The physical effort of the shout is great. The brows are corrugated into an expression of agony, both hands often pressed tight against the ears–perhaps an instinctive counterpressure to the force with which the air is expelled from within–the body is thrust forward and swayed, face and neck turn crimson, the veins of the neck swell up into cords. There are few places where it is harder to keep an event secret than in the mountains of Albania. News spreads like wildfire. The fact that a man has been shot upcountry reaches Scutari next day at latest, often with many details.

"Theft is impossible in Kilmeni," said the Padre, laughing; "the whole tribe hears the description of an article as soon as it is missed. Every one knows if some one has a few more sheep than yesterday."

At supper the genial old Padre sat at the head of the table, flanked by the two largest, fattest cats I ever saw. If he did not give them tit-bits fast enough, they slapped him smartly with their paws, which highly delighted him. I think he is the one perfectly contented human being I ever met.

"If I were born a second time into this world, I would again be a Frate," said he; "and if a third time, a third time Frate, in the Albanian mountains, with my people and my little house, and my books and my cats. I hope to die here without ever seeing a town again."

My unmarried condition pleased him much. He enlivened supper with an extremely plain-spoken sermon de Virginitate, till Marko protested that he had led a virtuous married life for twenty years, and did not consider himself a sinner. Which called down on us a yet plainer spoken address de Matrimonio and de–sundry other things expounded in much sonorous Latin, which, fortunately, Marko did not understand, and which "called a spade a spade."

Vukli, all Christian, consists of ninety-four families, all from the same stock. It marries chiefly with Seltze. A wife is cheaper than in Hoti, and costs twelve napoleons. The houses are, as usual, scattered far and wide. An Albanian parish is no easy one to work. A priest has often a four hours', even six hours' tramp to reach a dying man, and no matter what may happen at the other end of the parish, cannot get there in the same day. As at Seltze, the people are very industrious, are pastoral, and have plenty of high pasture. Vukli has a fair share of cultivable land, well cleaned of stones, which are all used for wall-making. Big boulders are laboriously drilled with crowbars and blasted with gunpowder. It often takes a week to destroy one rock–but they do it. And the larger part of the population migrates to the plains in winter with the flocks, wasting weary days on the march over rough tracks and bearing their burdens on their backs.

The houses are, like those of Seltze, clean and well-built. The head of the entrance-door is, as is usual in many parts of North Albania, semicircular, and the arch formed not of voussoirs but hewn from a solid block. This, almost always the case with arched doors' heads throughout the land, shows that arch construction is not at all understood.

It is in the graveyard that Vukli's originality is to be found. This, as is usual where timber is cheap, is full of wooden crosses; but local art has stepped in and transformed the emblem of Christianity into a "portrait" of the deceased. The chef-d'oeuvre is that of a doughty warrior. His face is carved above, two arms are added, his Martini and revolver are shown on the arms of the cross. It is incomparably grotesque. A serpent wriggles up one side to show, I was told, his fierceness. The serpent not unfrequently appears on graves, and may be connected with now forgotten beliefs. On the other hand, it is customary in the ballads of the Montenegrins to call a great fighting-man ljuta zmija (fierce serpent). But in the course of time new meanings may be attached to old symbols.

The Padre laughed when he found me admiring this cross. "Very un-Christian," he said, shaking his head; "but they do like it so." Vukli, as Seltze, suffered much from the Shtriga–one wretched woman had lost all her eight children–and also from the Evil Eye (Syy kec). So powerful is this, that a man had recently, to prove his power, gazed at a bunch of grapes, which had withered upon its stem and dropped to the ground before the awestruck spectators.

Syy kec is one of the curses of Albania. Against it, throughout the land, folk wear many charms. Blue glass beads adorn the halters of most of the horses; children have a coin tied on the forehead; the Catholics wear crosses, sacred hearts, medals of the saints (these mostly from Italy), and amulet cases, triangular, holding such Latin texts as they can get the priest to write for them. These, too, are bound to the horns of cattle and the manes of horses, to prevent the latter from being spirit-ridden by night by oras or devils.

There is a very good charm (Djakova) against all these. You must kill a snake, and cut off its head with silver. The edge of a white medjidieh (large coin) sharpened, will serve–you must dry the head, wrap it up with a silver medal of St. George, have it blessed by a priest, and it will protect you so long as you wear it. A piece of a meteorite is a protection against gunshot. Were it not for these safeguards, it would be hard to live in the land. The devils appear often at night, as fiery sparks dashing about, and then, no matter how well the traveller may know the way, he cannot find it. Nor until the first cock-crow (about two hours after midnight) can he go farther. After that they are powerless, and vanish–as did Hamlet's ghost under similar circumstances. Albania lives in the primitive times when real miracles happen that none doubt–when man has no power over his own fate, but writhes impotent, smitten on the one hand by the wrath of God and tormented on the other by the powers of evil. He faces his doom stoically. Eghel–"It is written."

It is good to live in this atmosphere. Many is the tiny, giddy ledge I have crept round without hesitation, driven forward by the cheery shout: "Go on! It is not Eghel that you will die here." Which I could not have done had an English friend been screaming: "For God's sake, don't try. You will break your neck!" There are countless advantages in travelling with natives only.

Vukli was fascinating, but the time for going came. I was bound for Boga and Shala. Again the heights were not passable for me. I must go back on my trail by Kastrati and Skreli, and ascend the valley of the Proni Thaat. I could do it in two days, but must start early, said the Padre. He advised 3 A.M. He saw to the re-shoeing of the horses the previous afternoon. They need nails or shoes renewing about once a week on these tracks. Three A.M. is a dree hour. I pleaded for five, but was bidden remember the heat. I did. I thought of the way to Gruda as a nightmare of agony. So I agreed, but said I must go to bed early. According, however, to Albanian custom, it was little short of 11 P.M. when I succeeded in lying down on some sheepskins. There was not enough time to waste over dressing and undressing. I seemed to have scarce laid down, when knocks aroused me, and I was told coffee was ready–and the horses. Giddy with sleep, but terrified of waiting for the sun, I crawled out half conscious. The Padre, as gay as ever, hoped I had had a good night. He had–very. The regulation two nips of black coffee woke me a little, and I said good-bye regretfully to my jovial old host, went out half dazed into the chill, grey, sleeping world, and started down the hill over loose stones, on foot. The effect of the coffee wore off before I was half-way down. I reeled with sleep, and fell heavily with a clatter that woke me. Marko and the old man were distressed, but I had fallen much too limply to be hurt.

"You woke me too soon," I said. "You know I don't like it."

"But to get up very early is so healthy!" persisted Marko.

"I can't help that. Four hours out of the twenty-four is not enough. I went too late to bed. Supper was late."

"But it was quite early! Only two hours after sunset!"

I did not enter into the fruitless argument about the sun setting late in summer, because in Albania it always sets at the same time–twelve o'clock. "In England maybe the sun sets later in the summer, but with us never."

At the foot of the hill I mounted, slung the bridle on my arm, hung on to the saddle-bow with both hands, shut my eyes and dozed, waking with a jerk whenever the horse stumbled or I nodded forward.

Half-way down the valley the old man had friends. He hailed them loudly, and out they came with a bowl of fresh milk and some cheese. We breakfasted. It was the old man's prescription to wake me up properly.

We got to Han Grabom without adventure. There I was greeted by another of the "Albanian virgins" in male garb, who begged me to take her with me to England. She said she always had to come home along the Montenegrin frontier, was terrified of being picked off by Montenegrin sharpshooters, and had no money to buy a gun. She would like to live in a safe place. She had no brother, was one of five sisters. Two were married. The other three all dressed as men, and worked the family land.

After Han Grabom was the ascent to Rapsha. Luckily you can ride up places you cannot ride down. Part walking–in the most risky bits–part riding, we came to the top in good time. Though it was quite hot enough, the sun was off.

At nightfall we pulled up at a han in Kastrati. It was one of the occasions when I have really appreciated a han, for I was drenched with sweat and bruised with tumbling about. The hanjee lit a fire, and I dried by it while Marko chopped the head off a fowl and set it stewing.

I woke next morning to the sad fact that I must say good-bye to the dear old man. We were in Kastrati. Hoti and Kastrati were in blood; he had safe-conduct back, but must go no farther.

He made a touching farewell speech, begged me to write to him from London–the Padre would read it to him. Afterwards he visited me each time he came to Scutari, haunted by a vague hope that I could do something for his unhappy land.

The hanjee piloted us down to Brzheta in Skreli, where we picked up another man and went on to Boga by an easy trail up the dry valley of the Proni Thaat on its right bank, crossing to the left near the village of Skreli.

Boga–seventy-five families, all Catholic–unlike its brethren of Vukli and Seltze, was rather badly in blood. Two brothers had recently been shot by their own relatives.

For those interested in "dove crosses" I may mention that at Boga and at Snjerch (St. George), near the mouth of the Bojana, now Montenegrin territory, the finest examples are to be found.

The priest and his old mother welcomed me, but, on hearing I was bound for Shala, begged me not to attempt the pass. The snow was very deep, half molten, and sliding, and the descent on the other side extremely precipitous. In no case could the horses cross it. I took their advice. The return journey down the valley was amply worth while for the quite magnificent spectacle of the snowy mountains of Skreli, dazzling against the turquoise sky above a dark pine belt. Just above Brzheta we crossed the stream bed, and struck away from it southwards to Rechi, through Lohja–a small tribe of one bariak, made up of eighty Moslem and forty Christian houses. It has a mosque and a hodza, and shares a priest with Rechi, the tribe next door–also mostly Moslem. Rechi-Lohja is of mixed stock, mainly originating from Pulati and Slaku, and was originally all Catholic.

Grizha, another small, one-bariak tribe, hard by, is, I believe, all Moslem, also Kopliku on the plain below.

Rechi we reached through a forest of monumental chestnuts. The church and house, which are new, stand high on a shelf with a great free view over the sweep of plain and the lake of Scutari. The priest of Rechi, a keen student of Albanian custom, was full of information both about Rechi and Pulati, where he had spent several years.

He told us of oaths which, if very solemn ones, are always sworn in Rechi and among all the Pulati tribes on a stone as well as on the cross: "Per guri e per kruch " (By the stone and the cross). The stone is the more important and comes first. At a gathering of Elders to try a case, the accused will often throw a stone into the middle of the circle, swearing his innocence upon it.

A man when he has confessed something extra bad, and received absolution, generally says, "I suppose I must bring a stone to church next Sunday?" The stone is carried on the shoulder as a public sign of repentance. And, though told it is not necessary, he usually prefers to bring it. The priest of another district held that the publicity of stone-bringing had such a good moral effect that he never discouraged it. His parishioners sometimes brought very large ones. Whether in proportion to the sin, I know not.

The priests say that, in spite of all their efforts, their parishioners all regard the shooting of a man as nothing compared to the crime of breaking a fast–eating an egg on a Saturday. Fasting in Albania means complete abstinence from any kind of animal food.

In the autumn of 1906 the Albanian clergy went to Ragusa to greet the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, who represented the Emperor Franz Josef, Protector of the Catholic Church in Albania. It was arranged that on Saturday they should dine with the priests of Austria, and upon the same fare. This made something like a scandal among their Albanian parishioners, who thought it a plot to seduce their priests from the right path. "That Pope," said a man to me, "is only an Italian after all!"

We talked of soothsaying–the reading of bones–a custom I first saw in the mountains of Shpata, near Elbasan. The bone must be either the breastbone of a fowl or the scapula of a sheep or goat. No other will serve. It is hard to get people to explain the manner. Putting together facts obtained from the Rechi priest, a man from Djakova, and others, the result is as follows.

To read your own future the bone must be that of an animal you have bred. One bought is useless. A fowl must be decapitated; if its neck be wrung, said the Djakovan, the blood will go the wrong way and spoil the marks.

A good seer can tell at once if the beast be bought or bred.

The bone is held up against the light and the markings of marrow, &c., in it interpreted. The art of how to apply them correctly is jealously concealed.

"I asked a man," said the Rechi priest, "how he read the bones. He said, 'When you see little black marks on paper you know they mean "God," "man," and so forth. I cannot read them, but when I see little marks in the bones I can read them and you cannot.'"

The very best is the breastbone of a black cock with no white feathers on him. The keel is the part used. The fate of the owner of the cock and that of his family is read in the thickness at the end (A)–up it runs a line of marrow; a hole in this indicates his death; a break, an illness, or catastrophe. Their situation shows the time at which they will take place. Deaths or accidents to the family are shown in branches of this main line. Red spots mean blood. Public events are foretold on the sides of the keel (B). Marvellous tales are told of the truth of these prophecies, and they are widely believed. So absolutely indeed, that there seems little reason to doubt that the terror they inspire has actually caused death.

An only son, well known to the Djakova man, was at a family feast. He held up a fowl's breastbone, and threw it down with a cry. His father asked what was the matter. The son said, "In three days you will bury me." The horrified father picked up the bone, and saw it was only too true. He wailed aloud, "In three days we shall bury you!" All his kin cried over him, the youth blenched and sickened, and could not eat. And in three days he was dead, and they buried him.

"When he read in the bone that he must die, he died," said the Djakova man.

Seeing that I looked sceptical he added, with very much more truth than he was aware of, "It would not kill you because you do not believe it. We believe it, and so it is true to us."

It is conceivable that the panic wrought by a vivid imagination and the pitiless insistence of all his family, would kill a subject with a weak heart–the condemned man dying, so to speak, of "Christian Science."

When Shakir Pasha was made Vali of Scutari, a mountain man, picking up a bone, cried out, "He will only be Vali six months!" This was so unusually short a time that the man was laughed at, but the Vali was transferred in six months' time.

At a wedding feast the bone said that one of those present would be found dead near a rock in a short time. A fortnight later the bridegroom fell over a precipice and was killed. And so forth.

Such is the faith in the bones, that I have more than once been met with a refusal to read them on the grounds that it is better not to know the worst.

As I write the rough draught of this, in Scutari, at the end of November 1908, with war clouds thick on all the frontiers, and discontent already smouldering against the Young Turks, the mountain men are seeing blood in all the bones, "perhaps before Christmas, certainly by Easter." 1 When the elements of war are near, the balance of power may be upset by such a trifle as a fowl's breastbone, and things come "true because we believe them."

The people, said the priest, still hold many pagan beliefs of which they will not talk. They put a coin in the mouth of a corpse previous to burial, but seem unable to give any explanation beyond that it is adet (custom). There is also, he said, a lingering belief in lares. He had seen a vacant place for the spirits of the dead left at family feasts. And at Pulati he had found traces of a belief in two powers, one of light and one of darkness, and thought that the sun- and moon-like figures found as a tattoo pattern are concerned with this.

On Sunday the sick and the afflicted flocked from an early hour. The priest had had several years' medical training, and cares for the bodies as well as the souls of his people. His church is always well filled. A crowd of out-patients waited at the door on Sunday. Mass on Sundays is not celebrated in the mountain churches till eleven or later, to give the scattered parishioners time to come. While waiting, we were interviewed by a local celebrity, an old man of Lohja, who boasted that, though a hundred and ten years old, he had sinned but twice in his life. Nor would he admit that in either case he had been guilty. The sin each time was theft, and he had been led astray by bad people. I asked how many men he had killed. He said with a cheerful grin, "Plenty, but not one for money or dishonourably." He was an alert, hooky-nosed old man with humorous grey eyes. When some one doubted his age, he poured out a torrent of historic events which he vowed he recollected. It was suggested then that I should "write" old Lohja. He was immensely flattered, and sat a few moments. When every one recognised the sketch a look of great anxiety came over his face, and most earnestly he prayed me never to destroy what I "had written about him." The same moment the sketch was torn he was certain he should drop down dead–and after living a hundred and ten years that would be a great pity. I duly promised never to part with it and relieved his mind.

The priest chaffed him about his "two sins," saying he was a very bad old boy and had done all the things he should have left undone, and never came to confession. The latter charge he admitted very cheerily–after a hundred years, confession was not necessary; moreover, he had confessed his only two sins years ago, so had no more to say.

We left that afternoon for Rioli, but a two and a half hours' walk over a ridge and up the valley of a crystal-clear stream that turns many corn-grinding and wool-fulling mills, both of the usual Balkan pattern. In the fulling mill a large wooden axle, bearing two flanges, is turned by a water-wheel. The flanges, as they turn, catch and raise alternately two large and heavy wooden mallets, made preferably of walnut, which falling, pound and hammer the yards of wet hand-woven woollen material (shiak) which is heaped in a box beneath them. In forty-eight hours it is beaten into the cloth that is the common wear of Bosnia, Montenegro, and North Albania.

Corn-mills are often very small–a tiny shed on posts over a little cataract that shoots with great force through a pipe, made of a hollowed tree-trunk–the exit hole very small–against a small turbine wheel. The upright axle passes through the two stones, turning the upper one. The corn is fed from a wooden hopper, its flow ingeniously regulated by a twig that plays on the surface of the upper stone. Mills are generally private property of a group of families, each grinding its own corn in turn.

The church of Rioli stands high on the right bank of the valley, that is here richly wooded. In the cliff on the opposite side is the cave in which Bishop Bogdan refuged from the Turks in the seventeenth century.

Rioli is a small tribe of one bariak, I believe of mixed origin. It belongs to the diocese of Scutari.

We now left the Maltsia e madhe group and the diocese of Scutari for Pulati.

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1 And shortly after Easter the rising in Constantinople took place.